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EX Licr:'.s 

No 2L7 ^/*oyp 











and of 


in the 






With a short Preface 





MAR - 9 1553 





THE disciples of Karl Miiller, and those also who have 
ever in mind the neatly expressed lines of Leon Le Mon- 
nier's book, will doubtless find many deficiencies in these 
researches of mine. And the readers of the Vie de 
S. Francois, carried away by Paul Sabatier's charm of 
style and elegance of conception, will find the present 
work over-weighted with notes and disfigured with excess 
of raw material. But I may be permitted to observe, on 
the other side, that the very special character of the study 
here presented to the reader demanded a compromise — a 
compromise between erudition and criticism ; between the 
claims of the expositor's art, and the necessity pf giving 
due place to the actual proofs, which here are all-important. 
The mere citation of the titles of works written on 
Franciscan subjects would of itself have offered material for 
a book ; and it is obvious that he who would speak of 
the Saint of Assisi must patiently question history in her 
various departments — civil, religious, dogmatico-theological, 
juridical and literary — and still more patiently listen to the 
answers she has to give. But the difficulties do not end 
there. Generally speaking historians, and still more jurists, 
have no reputation for keeping their immediate audience 
awake when they proceed to hold forth ; yet suffer from 
the strange illusion that their wares may be acceptable to 
folk outside the little circle to which they themselves be- 
long. These very true and just considerations I have borne 


in mind all along ; and the fact of my constant endeavour 
to avoid these pitfalls has itself been the reverse of help- 
ful, for so the work, in addition to its other disadvantages 
may have suffered also from the hesitation of its author. 
We are so close to Saint Francis that a humble confes- 
sion — even of scruples of conscience — is an honorable and 
a congenial task. 

For many years past, in connexion w^ith certain investi- 
gations which have no direct relation to the Franciscan 
movement, I had been collecting and putting aside a series 
of data which coordinated themselves, as it were, sponta- 
neously, and mutually illustrated one another. 

And then, lifting my gaze higher, I seemed to discern, 
far off but shining clear, the gentle figure of the " Poverello 
d'Assisi". No one had directed me to him... I considered. 
To make sure of the most delicate lines of the apparition 
I must climb higher still, not leaving my old track. There 
intervened the mist of Thomas of Celano's Legend, insi- 
dious and dense : but I had already possessed myself of 
one secret. That which drew others down from the path 
served me as guide. 

So was the book brought to birth ; and it makes no 
claim that its lowly origin should be forgotten. Errors and 
defects it doubtless has ; long-winded discussions, un- 
necessarily tortuous, were not always avoidable : in any 
case I know they are to be found in it. Such misfortunes 
are not incurred by those who take pains to note them 
in the pages of others. If an author has his head, so to 
speak, in the right place, he is himself the severest judge 
of his own work ; hence I do not claim immunity from 
any form of criticism. Indeed, I believe I shall be found 


in perfect agreement with all my critics, when I acknow- 
ledge that I may be wrong in many points, but not in the 
idea of a critical study of the Franciscan Legend free from 
every sort of preconception. 

Sacred are the rights of Truth : we cannot deny them 
to him who incarnates the idea of evangelical simplicity 
and superhuman candour. 

And now one last word of warning. If I am not 
mistaken, these researches prove that the Franciscan Legend 
in its multiform complexity cannot be disjoined from the 
truly great work of Thomas of Celano. The Saint's bio- 
grapher has drawn, from certain sources which we shall 
learn to know, both inspiration and material for his work. 
With a minimum of conscience and an immense degree 
of talent he has presented to the Order the real Specu- 
lum Perfectionis, the Book par excellence of the Franci- 
scan Society. Having decomposed this legend into its 
constituent elements and demonstrated that the two " Lives " 
betray a profound acquaintance with the dogmatic litera- 
ture relating to monastic institutions and with the most dif- 
ficult religious questions of the times, it seemed to me 
unnecessary to confute one by one the arguments adduced 
by Sabatier to defend the authenticity of that "oldest 
Legend " by him attributed to Brother Leo — a Legend 
which owes its originality and its fame to Sabatier him- 
self. The entire book, directed as it is to the establishing 
of Celano' s part in the formation of the Legend of the 
Saint, is a continuous refutation of the preconception of 
which the distinguished French writer, and not a few 
others with him, have been the victims. Moreover the 
certainty with which the true sources of Celano' s narrative 
could be indicated, rendered practically superfluous any 


preliminary research into the mutual relations between the 
various existing forms of the Legend itself. For us those 
critical studies, long and laborious, on the origin and pa- 
rentage of the MSS. and their different dates, have lost 
their historical value. When, for instance, we know that 
a fragment of Gregory the Great, or of the "Vitae pa- 
trum " passes from Celano into the Actus, the Fioretti, 
the so-called Speculum Perfectionis, or the " Lives of the 
Companions" of Saint Francis, and so on, the historical 
interest, which depended on the supposed originality of 
the narrative, is gone for ever. 

If one wished to write the history of certain famous 
gems, there would need to be a separate chapter devoted 
to each of the artistic objects in which, during the course 
of centuries, those stones have shone. But such labour 
becomes useless if a most accurate examination permits us 
to assert of a single stone that it passed from a cross to 
a sceptre, thence to a reliquary, and from the reliquary to 
a ring. Such have been the fortunes — if I may so put 
it — of much of the Franciscan Legend. It shines, indeed, 
down the ages ; and if its brilliance does not always il- 
lumine the dark period which saw the rise of that loveliest 
creation of art, the "Italian Christ", it yet holds the 
secret of his success. 


THE translator, as such, may be accused of presump- 
tion if he pose also as critic. Yet his task is one 
which, if his mind be awake, stimulates and feeds the 
critical faculty in a measure greater than that enjoyed by 
the mere reader. For he needs must linger over every 
page and ponder on each phrase unless he would run 
the risk of betraying his trust, and proving traditore instead 
of traduttore. In one sense, indeed, his attitude would 
seem to be far enough removed from that of the critic ; 
for if there be a "sincerer flattery " than that which 
expresses itself in "imitation", it is surely that of the 
translator, for whose task originality itself is yoked to the 
plough and made subservient to the mind of another. 

Yet it is impossible (be it said with all modesty) that 
any two minds should think exactly alike in all details, 
and besides the loyalty which the translator owes to his 
original, there is a loyalty also due to himself ; and all 
the more if he have given, and be pledged to give again, 
on his own account, literary hostages to fortune. For this 
reason the present writer is particularly grateful to the 
Author and the publisher for the permission to prefix a 
few words of his own to the translation of a work of 
which his genuine appreciation makes him glad to be the 
means of introducing it to a new circle of readers. 

There can be but few, even among experts who are 
qualified to criticise from an equal stand point a work so 


full of acumen and so thoroughly furnished with the 
sinews of a wide and deep erudition. The Author's pro- 
fessional line of study has made him familiar — one might 
almost say uniquely familiar — with a vast and little-known 
literature : and he has brought the artillery of his lear- 
ning to bear on the subject with a skill, and in a volume 
which, if it do not win him victory all along the line, 
cannot, at any rate, fciil to capture important points of 
vantage. In his own Preface he tells us the story of the 
Book's genesis. Steeped in the hagiographical literature 
of the pre-Franciscan Age, he found himself thinking, as 
it were, unconsciously, in terms of Franciscan legend : and 
the fact itself gave food for thought, and became, indeed, 
the germ of the present study. 

In the same Preface the Author invites, and calls for, 
candid criticism, as indeed does every page of his work, 
with its formidable array of authorities referred to, and 
often cited verbally, in the foot notes. If the Translator 
may for once trespass beyond his province, and accept 
the Author's genial challenge, he would fain suggest two 
points from which might well start such candid criticism 
as the Author himself invites. 

First, as to the fonti. The Book displays, from first to 
last, a sincere and zealous effort to trace back this and 
that phrase or incident to its original source. And this is 
one of its most important and valuable features. But the 
Translator cannot wholly free himself from a lurking sus- 
picion that in this matter due weight may not always 
have been given to the thirteenth-century knowledge of 
the Bible itself. That heretical movement which figures 
so largely in the following pages was admittedly marked 
by an intense devotion to the Holy Scriptures, and a 


remarkable familiarity with that vernacular Bible which 
was one of its most precious fruits. And if, as we know 
to be the case, the orthodox layman Dante Alighieri pos- 
sessed a knowledge of the Old and New Testaments which 
might put to shame not a few Protestants of today ; why 
should not the learned cleric Thomas of Celano have 
enjoyed a like familiarity with the sacred texts ? If this 
be so, may it not be unnecessary, where the "First" or 
"Second Life" quotes some well known passage from the 
Gospels or Epistles, to adduce a previous quotation of the 
same source from St. Gregory, or Cassian, or Caesarius 
of Heisterbach ? ' It is however, of course possible that 
the passage in question, though known directly to Celano, 
was in the particular instance called to mind in virtue of 
its secondary association. And furthermore this criticism 
even if stringently applied, would touch but a few details 
of the argument, which is built on a very broad basis. 

There remains another suggestion which has some bear- 
ing on the central argument of the Book. The admitted 
plagiarisms of Celano — how do they affect one's view of 
the supposed facts of Saint Francis' life ? If in describing 
an incident assigned to that life the biographer can be 
proved to be employing the very words of the Gregorian 
Dialogues or of Sulpicius Severus, does that necessarily 
prove that the incident itself is borrowed ? . . . that it has 
no rightful place in the biography of the Saint of As- 
sisi ? Is there not, on the contrary, an irresistible impulse 
even for the modern biographer to describe the most solemn 
moments of his hero's life in terms derived from the 
I classic he loves best, and most of all from Holy Scripture, 

I I owe sincere thanks to Prof. Tamassia for permission to add a Scripture 
reference to several of the notes. L. R. 


that unique repository of thoughts and phrases that are of 
age-long and world-wide applicability ? The Age and 
School for which Celano wrote had a larger Bible than 
ours, for it included, practically the whole cycle of hagio- 
logical tradition. 

But we may go one step further. If a word or an 
incident (miraculous or otherwise) attributed to St. Francis 
can be shewn to have been anticipated exactly in the 
writings of earlier biographers all down the series, begin- 
ning, it may be with the Gospels themselves . . . does that 
prove that the thing happened but once ? Is it not rather 
true that a necessary similarity, both in word and in act, 
in to be expected of those who in successive centuries set 
themselves to copy a single model? The Saints are above 
all imitatores Christi, alike in legend and in the aim of 
their own actual lives : and in proportion as their imitation 
is faithful and successful, their lineaments will become 
assimilated to one another, and their biographies lend them- 
selves to reciprocal plagiarism. 

Such thoughts as these are almost inevitably suggested 
by the trend of the argument. With such reservations as 
they imply, we believe that the Author will be found to 
have proved his point. His main point, after all, is the 
central position of Celano' s work in the formation of the 
Franciscan Legend, and the very large dependence of that 
work on certain definite earlier sources. With this falls to 
the ground the originality and independent historical value 
of Sabatier's "Speculum"; the inimitable Fioretti are 
shewn to be exceedingly composite in character, and the 
whose perspective of Franciscan study is materially altered. 

Let those who are competent criticise at their leisure the 
details of the argument, with the help of the ample material 


which the Author has so generously provided in his foot- 
notes. The least that can be said of the work here pre- 
sented in an English dress to students of Franciscanism, is 
that it marks a new stage in the progress of that study, 
and will have to be reckoned with by all who write thereon 
in the future. 

L. R. 


Principal sources : S. Bernardi abb. Clarae Vail. Op. Venetiis 1 726. Ber- 
' thold von Regensburg, in Sitzungsber. der k. Akad. d. Wiss. phil. hist. Classe 
(Wien) Bd. 84, 142, 147. Caesarii Heisterbacensis, Dial, miraculorum, ed. Strange 
1851 & Colon. 1599. Cowba, Hist, des Vaudois 1 1901. Denifle-Chatelain. 
Chart. Univ. Paris. 1 889. CV. Corpus Script, eccl. lat. ed. Acad. Caes. Vindob. 
1866 secjq. Dollinger, Beitr. zur Sektengesch. d. Mittelalt. 1880 [Bd. I Gesch. der 
gnost. manich. Sekt.]. Dresdner, Kultur u. Siltengesch. d. ital. Geistlichkeit in 10 
und 11 Jahrh. 1890. Friedberg-Ruffini, Tratt. del diritto eccl. 1893; Hahn, 
Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalt. 1845-50. Harnack, Lehrb. d. Dogmengesch. 
1894-7. Havet, L' Heresie et le bras seculier au m. age (Bibl. de 1' ecol. des Ch.) 
1880. Hausralh, Die Arnoldisten 1895. Hinschius, das Kirchenr. d. Kath. und 
Protest. 1869 seqq. Hurler, Storia d' Innocenzo HI (trad. Rovida). Inn. Ill, 
Opera, Venet. 1578. Kurtz, Lehrb. der Kirchengesch. 1889. Lea, Hist, de 
r Inquisition (trad. Reinach) I 1 900. Mariano, S. Francesco d' Assisi e alcuni 
dei suoi piii recenti biografi, 1896. M. G. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. 
Muller (Karl) die Anfange des Minoritensord. u. d. Brudersch. 1885. Die Wal- 
denser und ihre einz. Gruppen 1 880 ; Preger, in Abh. d. bay. Akad. d. Wiss. 
XIII (1875). Ueber die Verfass. der Franz. Wald. 1890. Reg. Pont. I - Regesta 
Pontificum (/a#e II Aufl.) Reg. Pont. II Regesta Pontificum {Potthast). Schmidt, 
Hist, de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois, 1849. Schonbacb, in Sitzungsber. 
der Wien, Akad. Bd. 142, 147 - (1900, 1903), Tocco, L* eresia nel medio 
evo 1 884. 

THE mountain peak that soars majestically above lesser 
summits seems when seen from a distance to stand alone, 
dominating a vast plain ; but on a nearer approach it 
dwindles gradually, lost among the surrounding hills. So 
is it with Saint Francis of Assisi, in whose person the 
religious and social movements of the thirteenth century 
concentrate themselves, and, in a sense, triumph. 

As we draw close to the Umbrian Saint, descending 


boldly into the midst of the living memories of his Age, 
the visage of the faithful Spouse of Poverty seems to 
change its lineaments, and his familiar accents so sweet 
and fervent, lose themselves in the confused clamour of 
other voices no less powerful or pious. 

Francis of Assisi — it is a practically general axiom 
among all the historians who have written about him — 
cannot be separated from his Age. And that Age must 
be studied calmly and systematically in its every manife- 
station. Savants and poets, fervid mystics and cold patho- 
logists contend over the form of the humble follower of 
Jesus ; yet we possess in point of fact, only such tokens 
of the Saint as are preserved for us in the historical records 
which speak of him. And no one has yet given a satis- 
factory answer to the very simple question : What credit 
is to be given to these records ? What are their real 
sources ? So far, all the efforts of criticism have been 
directed towards determining the value, primary or secon- 
dary, of this or that historical document. Some critics 
have not hesitated to reconstruct the sources in accordance 
with certain preconceptions fatal to a true historical me- 
thod ; but there has not yet appeared a critical study 
entirely devoted to the origin of the Franciscan Legend 
as it is fixed, in its fundamental lines, in the two "Lives" 
of Thomas of Celano. 

The purpose of the present investigation is to shew 
that in order to study aright the life of St. Francis, one 
needs to adopt an attitude of extreme diffidence not only 
on those points which have been provisionally admitted, 
faute de mieux ; but also with regard to all that has 
hitherto been accepted without question as true. 



Before entering upon a detailed comparison of the an- 
cient sources with the Franciscan texts, it will be necessary 
to say a few prefatory words on the religious and social 
tendencies of the age of St. Francis. Our aim in so 
doing is not to focus the light derived therefrom upon 
the figure of the Saint, but merely to elucidate the tech- 
nical signification of certain narratives : narratives from 
which, in turn, we may gain a scientific conception of the 
principal criteria by which the entire Legend is r*;gulated. 

The miracle of the Stigmata ; the charming ceremony 
of the " Presepio di Greccio ' ; the episode of the impure 
priest from whom the Saint does not withhold the respect 
due to his order ; the name itself of the " Ordine dei 
Minori " — these are not the conventional themes which 
recur on every page of the hagiological writings of the 
Middle Ages. 

From the two works of Celano there issues a Legend 
which spreads itself through many other collections gather- 
ing riches as it passes from place to place, from age to 
age, from a generation of more or less trustworthy eye- 
witnesses to one of visionaries, or of cold and unscrupulous 
compilers. In this Legend there is enshrined a well- 
determined nucleus of facts which succeeds in impressing 
on all the various stories the appearance of a frank, inge- 
nuous originality. As soon, however, as the Legend comes 
in contact with old motifs, it seems as though the nar- 
rative entirely lost sight of its subject. 

This wonderful unity of conception, which the internal 
tempests of the Order failed to dissolve, might produce 
the illusion of truth to a reader incapable of penetrating 
into the secrets of very clever compilation. Francis, alike 
in the rhetorical images of Thomas of Celano as in the 



consummate simplicity of the Fioretti seems always to pre- 
serve his physiognomy. In many cases, however, under a 
closer and more careful scrutiny the image of the " Poverello" 
of Assisi in seen to decompose itself, so to speak, into a 
number of separate traits that are drawn from other faces 
— faces that have no relation whatever to our Saint. 

Certainly the mosaic is all but perfect. The principal 
theme, which is followed by the artists is derived from 
the characteristic note that vibrates in the real soul of 
Francis ; but the inspiration of the great work is perhaps 
the only thing about it that corresponds to the reality . . . 
and this quickly fades away as soon as the Legend is 
presented in the Hashing pomp of images drawn from an- 
cient sources such as the famous "Lives of the Fathers". 
He who then comes upon the scene is not Francis of 
Assisi, but an Oriental hermit, resuscitated by the so-called 
ascetic fervour of the thirteenth century. Many people, 
up to this day believe that from the mouth of St. Francis 
issued the words: " Nos sumus joculatores Domini".^ 
But as a matter of fact the expression originated with a 
German Frate, as related — or invented — by Caesarius of 
Heisterbach ! ^ 

What remains, then, it will be asked, of the real Saint 
of Assisi ? Much more than, to a superficial judgement, 
would seem likely. The literary frauds — neither strange 
nor novel in character^ — with which we are confronted, 
are not inspired simply by the desire to increase the vene- 

1 Sabatier, Speculum perfectionis 1 898 ; 1 97. 

2 Caes. VI, 8 : Ita est de simplicibus (qui) ut sic dicam, iaculalores Dei 
sunt sanctorumque angelorum [ed. Strange I 359-60: ed. Colon. 418]. 

3 See, e. g., the Life of S. Remigius written by Hincmar in MG. SS. 
Mcrov. III. 240. 



ration for the saint and add to his fame. The Franciscan 
movement cannot be disjoined from the heretical one ar- 
rested in its victorious political career by Innocent III. 
Triumphant Orthodoxy adds to its trophies the meek figure 
of Francis ; the Legend must bow itself to the exigencies 
of altered circumstances. And it bows itself to such an 
extent that it needs but an extremely slight effort of cri- 
ticism to bring back — not far from the truth — the official 

Once again criticism, with all its reputation for pedantry, 
transforms itself into an exquisitely delicate pyschological 

To reach Francis of Assisi the road is long and rough. 
We prefer to follow certain field-paths from which one 
may enjoy a better view of the landscape of the times ; 
and the short cut will be a benefit to the wayfarer who 
cannot transport himself into the days of the Man of God 
without the annoyance of a little of the dust of erudition. 

After the independence of her heroic age, the Church 
made her peace with the Roman Empire ; but the signing 

I of that treaty was far from giving her internal peace. Her 
I own proper adversaries were at once reinforced by those 
of the State ; while her close adhesion to the Civil power 
had the effect of transforming her into a quasi-political 

r organism capable, in virtue of its robust constitution, of 
taking up, at the opportune moment, the heritage of the 

j|. dying world. It followed, however, from this that her 
religious idealism found itself now in continual conflict with 
worldly anxieties and preoccupations : and the internal 
uneasiness soon manifested itself in schisms and heresies, 
in the contempt of monachism for the very institutions of 


the Church, and in the ill-omened invocation of the "se- 
cular arm".' 

Through the succeeding centuries, with their varied and 
very intricate vicissitudes ; w^hilst society is painfully striving 
to reconstruct itself on the ruins of the ancient civilisation 
and amid the savagery of contemporary barbarism ; the 
separation between the two functions of the Church be- 
comes still more pronounced. Enormous riches stream in 
upon her, and equally enormous obligations. With the 
former comes in the germ of corruption ; with the latter, 
that of political dominion. For the defence of that which 
has become necessary to her, the Church makes ready 
means of resistance : she transmutes her spiritual arms in- 
to weapons of worldly defence ; and so her organism be- 
comes assimilated in form and substance to the institutions 
which make no claim to divine origin or mission. To 
St. Augustine Catholicism owes its dogmatic unity ; to the 
Papacy, in which lives on the immortal spirit of Rome 
the Ruler, that cohesion which might best be described as 

Thus the increase of civil power obscured the religious 
character of the institution, till at length — in a stormy age, 
be it admitted — Gregory the Great could doubt whether 
he were Shepherd of Peoples, or an earthly Potentate. 

Permeating the inmost structure of society ; arbiter, and 
at the same time slave of the destinies of that society, the 
Church shared the commotions of the world's life — because 
"nothing was foreign to her" — and in all, consequently, 
she either suffered or prospered. 

1 Ruffini, La liberta religiosa, 1901 ; 38 seqq. 

2 Respublica Dei (Op. Vend. 1 744 ; II, 1 40), is the apt phrase of S. Peter 
Damian reviving the idea of the Augustinian Civitas Dei. 


To the upheavals of the religious conscience she paid no 
attention ; and these became more frequent and more spasmo- 
dic — and more dangerous also — in proportion to the violence 
of their repercussion and the magnitude of their effects. 

During the barbaric age, German victories meant im- 
munity for heretical doctrine : and the Orient, sow^er of 
schisms and heresies, rent meanwhile in another direction 
that ecclesiastical unity w^hich, thanks to the traditions of 
Rome, had begun definitely to be associated w^ith the 
Papacy. After countless perils had been surmounted, the 
Church found itself even more strongly secularised than 
before. And the worst offender was the Papacy itself, 
which, having achieved a temporal dominion, proceeded 
to reconstruct the Empire, reserving to itself the right to 
debase the same at will, in the sight of Christian Europe. 

These conditions prepared — not of course for the rise, 
but — for the reflorescence of heresy, which is the most 
spontaneous form of reaction against the Church and against 
all that is connected with it. In the Middle Ages the 
character and dogmatic force of heresy are not generally 
understood, because the religious question is mixed up with 
problems of theology. Still heresy receives recognition and 
attracts a following for the sake of the end which it sets 
before it, and of the fruits which are hoped for from its 
victory. To be heretics, it is sufficient to have a reason 
for rebellion against an orthodoxy that contradicts the reli- 
gious and political sentiment. In a word, heresy ceases 
at once to be a purely doctrinal matter, as soon as it 
begins to make headway among the nations and to at- 
tract their adherence. 

The debris of old heretical sects and communities, which 
Rome had vainly endeavoured to stamp out by harsh 


legislation, exhibit undoubted signs of life, and of a more 
or less exuberant life, during the period between the last 
Age of the old Empire and the days of Francis of As- 
sisi. If we would understand the XII'^ and XIII*^ cen- 
turies, we must work our way back through the ages, 
looking out for causes — proximate and remote — of a prac- 
tically general movement, which, when it has reached its 
climax seems to be the immediate outcome of the con- 
ditions and circumstances of the Church in those centuries. 

Gregory the Great, who died in 604, describes with 
wonderful precision the tendencies, the dogmas and the 
customs of the small heretical nuclei which the iron legis- 
lation of the Roman Emperors had not succeeded in 
destroying. St. Gregory's narrative brings before us the 
two great branches of the rebellious plant of heresy : the 
intolerant Manichean Catharism, and the milder heterodoxy 
which reappears, centuries later under the name of the 
doctrine of Valdo. 

Already in the sixth century, be it remembered, heretics 
are to be found in the humblest classes of society. And 
these while at variance with one another, are bound to- 
gether by their common hatred of the Church, in an ob- 
stinate and perennial struggle against orthodoxy. They 
study and interpret with absolute freedom the Holy Scrip- 
tures and the writings of the ancient Fathers of the Church 
for which they have a genuine admiration and reverence. 
Their activity finds self-expression in the preaching of doc- 
trine : hence the great pains they take to become eloquent, 
persuasive and learned in the Scriptures, in face of catholic 
ignorance. Modest and pious, to a man, in their demea- 
nour — erring, indeed, by an exaggerated expression of self- 
humiliation — they exhibit, in contrast to the wealth and 


worldly prosperity of the Church, the spectacle of a life 
exemplarily austere. "In us", they say, "resides the truth: 
We are the Church of God". They love and practise 
piety, patience, silence ; they rejoice in shewing themselves 
to the world in garb and demeanour of humility. God 
is in them : and God speaks familiarly to the faithful. 
The utterances of the heretics breathe sweetness, their 
actions express the evident desire to conform themselves 
to the pattern of Jesus. Every one of them gives all to 
the poor. Virginity is so highly esteemed among them 
that many of them absolutely condemn marriage. So 
ardent is their thirst for martyrdom that they torment the 
flesh with abstinence and fastings. 

The heretics live apart from the orthodox and assemble 
for religious practices in remote spots : secrecy lends so- 
lemnity and reverence to their ceremonies. In their doc- 
trine there is entire disagreement. Some sects dissent in no 
way from the orthodox, save in their refusal to be included 
within the unity of the Church ; conforming in all other 
I matters to catholic practice and worship. Heretics truly 
and properly so-called are those who profess dogmatic errors 
on the subject of the Divinity and Incarnation of Christ ; 
who hold that Hell is a bug-bear, invented to frighten the 
wicked, and have no fear of the devil. 

Such, in brief, are the data offered us by Gregory the 
Great ; and if we make these our starting-point we shall 
arrive without difficulty at the true and proper heretical 
movement of a later period.' And the period of St. Gre- 

1 S. Greg. M. Opera (ed. Maur.) In prim. Reg. Ill, 5 n. 31 ; Super Cant. 
Cant. Exp. c. Ill n. 17; Moral. XVII i n. c. 24 Job, n. 65, 66; III inc. 2 
Job, n. 46, 49 ; XVI in c. 24 Job, n. 62 ; VII in c. 8 Job, n. 62 ; XII in 
c. 15 Job. n. 33 ; III in c. 8 Job, n. 68 ; XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 7 ; XVII in 
c. 28 Job, n. 39 ; XVIII in c. 27 Job, n. 25 ; XXXI in c. 39 Job. n. 2 ; 


gory can supply us even with a precursor of the Saint of 
Assisi/ At Rieti the monk Aequitius abandons the life 
of a humble field-labourer to devote himself entirely to the 
study of the sacred books : and he receives from an Angel 
of God the gift of eloquence w^ith an injunction to preach 
the word of God, layman though he be. Aequitius obeys ; 
and over the mountains and valleys of the Sabine country, 
riding the most miserable ass of the monastery, clad in 
hairy skins and almost concealed by two bags containing 
the divine Scriptures which hang down from him on either 
side, he passes from village to village, spreading the seed 
of Gospel preaching.^ The Pope sends an exsecutor 
to summon to his presence the suspected proclaimer of the 
divine word, who arrogates to himself an office which is 
not his ; but God, in a vision, warns the Pontiff not to 
molest that Brother. 

In the Liber diurnus Pontificum Romanorum, the ordi- 
nation of Africans is prohibited on the ground that they 
are frequently tainted with Manichaeism. This proves the 

XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 7. 8 ; III in c. 2 Job, n. 45 ; XX in c. 30 Job. n. 18 
XXIII in c. 32 Job, n. 15 ; XX in c. 30 Job, n. 24 ; XII in c. 15 Job, n. 33 
VIII in c. 8 Job, n. 62 ; XVI in c. 12 Job, n. 20; XXXI in c. 39 Job, n. 10 
XXIII in c. 32 Job, n. 15 ; V in c. 5 Job, n. 49 ; XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 20 
III in c. 8 Job, n. 68 ; XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 10 ; XIX in c. 29, n. 27 (Ma- 
nicheism) ; XVIII in c. 28 Job, n. 40 ; XX in c. 30 Job, n. 24 ; XVI in c. 22 
Job, n. 10 ; XX in c. 30 Job, n. 33 ; XVIII in c. 28 Job, n. 41 ; III in c. 2 
Job, n. 52. Manicheans in Sicily : Ep. V. 7. 

Solitary tendency of Manicheans: C. Theod. XVI, 5, 9 [582] ; Their expulsion 
from Rome and from Africa ib. c. 18, 35. Even in the sixth century some light 
experiment was made in the way of religious toleration for heretics. C. I. 1,5, 
12 (a. 527). Manicheans ib. § 2, 3, Cfr. c. 16. 

1 5. Gregor. M. Dial. I, 4; cfr. Cassiod. Var. IV, 23, 24, a. 510-1, 
For the exsecutor, Greg. M. Ep. XI, 58 (MG.) — Bethmann-Hollweg, Civilproz. 
Ill, 157. 

2 Aequitius reminds us of the first Minorites almost as described by Math. 
Paris. Hist. Angl. in MG. SS. XXVIII, 397 : Libros continue suos, videlicet 
bibliothecas, in forulis, a coilo dependentes, baiulantes. 


persistence of that heresy beyond the VII'^ century : 
and the formula in which the said prohibition is couched 
reappears under Nicholas II (1058-61)." Moreover, 
even if the Muratorian fragment be earlier in date than 
Lea supposes, ^ it is not on that account less important ; 
offering as it does a discursive catalogue of the principal 
sManichean heresies/ 

The famous heresy of the Adoptianists who believed 
that Jesus as man was adoptive son of God — the heresy 
so valiantly combatted by Paulinus of Aquileja' — is 
perhaps at bottom nothing but a reflex of the old doctrine 
wherely Jesus only symbolically (not to say juridically) 
becomes man. And even as late as the ninth century cer- 
tain errors survived concerning the Lord's Passion, suffered 
secundum deitatem : ^ to say nothing of other references 
which are to be found in all the books in which our 
subject is treated. " In the eleventh century Heresy 
pursues its true and proper course ; but that course, as 
we shall have occasion to remark later on, is masked (save 
to the historian's eye) under the vehement popular move- 
ment against the corrupt clergy. For the moment, indeed, 
the heretical movement coincides in its line of action with 
that of the reforming party within the orthodox Church. 

1 Lib. diurnus ponlif. rom. ed. Sickel, 1899. No. 6 (6-7). The Africans, 
driven out by the fury of the Vandals, took refuge, in large numbers, in Italy : 
Corpus inscr. Lat. V. No. 818, 1703 ; XI N.o 2054 ; Nov. Valenl. Ill T. 12. 
33. Cassiod. Var. XI. 9. 

2 Reg. Pontif. I. No. 4442. 

1 Muratori Anecd. ex Ambros. Codd. [ 1 697] ; 112. 

4 Cfr. Cone. Bracar. II, in Mansi, Cone. Coll. IX, 775 a. 563 ; c. 4 seqq. 

5 Op. ed. Madrisius ; contra Felicem, 99 seqq. 

(^ Cone. Rom. a. 862 : Mansi XV, 182, 61 1 & Hefele, Conciliengeschichte 
(U ed.) IV, 260,272. Reg. Pont. I 344-5. 

7 Lea, I, 100; Hamat^, 1, 785 seqq. Dollinger, I passim; Tocco, 73 seqq. 
Dresdner, 121 seqq. Kurtz, I, §§ 21,25,26. 


So then, vital germs of heresy were not lacking in Italy 
and beyond, but especially in France and Spain. When 
the storm of barbarism had been overcome, the Church 
and the Church's head, intent on consolidating the temporal 
powder with its centre in Rome, made unlimited claims over 
the Romano-German Empire. She frees herself from the 
insidious bonds of feudalism ; and finally proclaiming by 
the mouth of Gregory VII that the hour has come for 
internal reforms, and that the rule of kings is an invention 
of the devil, ' she carries with her in an access of en- 
thusiasm the very asceticism of the heretics, and gives a 
vigorous impulse to the new-born liberties of the Com- 
munes ; taking care, at the same time, to divert from tur- 
bulent Europe, by means of the Crusades, the great masses 
of restless spirits, and to curb the fell prowess of over- 
bearing might by imposing now and again a " Truce of 

Without, magnificently strong and majestic, the eccle- 
siastical organism is constantly threatened from within by 
the malignant cancer of corruption and simony — an 
evil against which the force of reforming Popes and the 
assiduous labours of certain solitary preachers' are alike 
unavailing. And now all those who had themselves con- 
ceded a truce to the Church, begin to return more pas- 
sionately than ever to their old ideals. Heresy assumes 
once more a valiant activity, strong in the alliances which 

1 Greg. VII, Ep. VIII, 2 1 . Cfr. Honorii Augustod. Summa gloria, in MG. 
Lib. de lite imp. et pontificum, III, 75. 

2 Reg. Pontif. 1, No. 4521 (Alex. II). Huberli, Gottesfrieden und Land- 
arieden 1892; § 13. 

3 Even in 1 294 an ecclesiastic was compelled on pain of a fine of 4 ounces 
of gold, to refrain " de cetero " from keeping a concubine in his house. Cod. 
Dipt. Barese, II, No. 44. 


finds along its path, among the political adversaries of 
|Papal Rome. It was useless for the Church, with con- 
summate courage to expose her own wounds, one by one, 
in her councils and in papal letters, in language every 
whit as biting as that of the bantering songs of poets and 
jesters.' Bernard of Clairvaux, no less gentle and win- 
ning than the heretical preachers, ^ remained unheeded ; 
the very utterance of Innocent III which condemns the 
unworthy life of the ecclesiastics, attests the powerlessness 
of the labours and aspirations of the reforming party. ^ 
The papal phrase which recurs again and again in the 
Bulls — that "the Church has come to her eleventh hour" — 
is more than a mere rhetorical expression. 

The Church of Jesus had all but disappeared. That 
of Rome recalled, to the instructed mind, in its constitu- 
tional outlines, the old magistracies of the Roman Em- 
pire ; ^ to the less learned it was simply a gigantic system 
of oppression. ^ To the corrupt orthodox clergy even 
the orthodox laity refused homage and tithes. This refusal 
was discussed as an elegant case of juridical controversy 
in the greatest university of Italy, at Bologna, where the 
wretched morals of the clergy were described with smart 

I Concil. Rem. a. 2229 c. 1 seqq. Tree. a. 1127 c. 7; Rolomag. c. 2; 
Rem. a. 1131,1148, c. 4 e 2. Turon. a. 1143 c. 5 ; Monspell, a. 1214 c. 7 
seqq. ; Mansi, XXI, 238. 356,375,459,714, etc.; XXII, 940 seqq. Cone. Later. 
a. 1123 e. 1 seqq.; a. 1139 c. 16,21 ; a. 1 1 79 e. 3 ; 10,11, 20; a. 1215 
c. 19, 34,63,64 seqq. Mansi. XXI, 282 seqq. : 531 seqq. : XXII, 1007, 1022. 
1051, seqq. etc. 

- Quando oramus ? quando doeemus p>opulos ? Quando aedificamus Eccle- 
siam? - De Consid. I, 7 (Op. II, 416). 

3 Sermo in conseer. pontific. 184-5. In die einer. - Sic iam ornati prodimus, 
ut magis sponsi quam clerici videamur. 

4 Odofred C. Haee quae nee. Dig. I. 13, 1, Tamassia, Odofredo 1894; 

.T 5. Bern. De consid. I, 7 (II 418): Quid falcem vestram in messem alie- 
nam intenditis. De Convers. ad eler. c. 19,22 (H, 498, 500). 


ingenuity by the professors before an audience of thousands 
of scholars.' 

Inveterate as was the antipathy for frati and ecclesia- 
stics, ^ the feeling against Roman prelates was stronger 
still. Contemporary documents dwell on the obesity of 
their persons and the hoarseness of their voices painfully 
unfitted for the preacher's task. ^ What respect (it was 
asked) is due to churchmen shamelessly living a life of 
concubinage, adultery, buffoonery, jesting : forgers, men sur- 
rounded by bravoes and immersed in ignorance and de- 
bauchery ? ^ 

The inferior clergy, abased by the pride of ecclesia- 
stical patrons, who treated them like so many agricultural 
labourers ; '^ abandoned by the bishops who, having squan- 
dered their diocesan patrimony, had nothing left to give to 
others : strove to gain a miserable pittance by the sale 
of masses and absolutions ; ^ profiting by the vogue of 

1 S. P. Damiani, Op. Ill, 292 ; cfr. Odofredo, 1 49 : Only rustics seem 
to have been still ready to pay tithes. 

2 Hon. de sacril. ed. Caspar! (Christiania 1 886) 8 ; Jacques de Vitry Exem- 
pla No. 268 [p. 112]; ed. Crane 1890; (p. 250 rtote). Folgore, Sonetti, in 
Scelta di curiosity lett. No. 1 72 [65]. 5. P. Dam. Ill, 270 (opusc. 30 c. 3). 

3 Pasqui, Doc. per la storia della citta di Arezzo, nel medio evo, 1899 
[No. 389; a. 1 177-1 180]. (521,528-9,352). One might adduce also the sermon 
de la palharellei (ib. No. 389) of a bishop who did not know how to roll his 
tongue properly. 

4 Reg. 11 (Inn. Ill): clerical murderers; No. 380, forgers No. 532, 574, 
1184, 1276, 1283, 2055, crudentes buUas novas; luxurious, debauched, undi- 
sciplined, ignorant ecclesiastics. No. 519, 620, 835, 896, 382, 2933 etc. Odofredo, 
149 : Clerici maioris ecclesie, qui vadunt ut laici, et qui tenent palafredos et 
accipitres et assecinos. dr. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla No. 2, 4, 5, 6, 17, 18, 
20, 22, 210, Hist. lerosol. (in Gesta Dei per Francos, Hanoviae 1611 ; I, 1087) 
c. 70-71. Dec. Greg. IX, V, 26: De excess, praei. Cfr. Ill, 2. 3. 

5 For private churches, see : Stutz, Gesch. der kirch. Benefizialwesens 1 895 ; 
Galante, II beneficio eccl. 1895. Decadence of the canons: Hinschius, Kirchenr. 
11, § 80. AttempU at reform: Ughelli-Coleii, Italia Sacra; Firenze a. 1231, II, I 10. 

^ Dresdner, 328 seqq. 

7 Caes. Ill, 35. 40; cfr. Ill, 39 (ed. 1599); IV, 41, 42, 44. 



ome more or less authentic saint to place images of the 
same in their churches, with a view to attracting men and 
money. Ignorance, abject degradation, hatred and imperious 
necessity drove them even into open crime, ' Higher 
up the scale things proceeded no better. The episcopate, 
embroilled in politics, had no longer much trace of the 
sacerdotal character about it. With terrible calm a monk 
of Clairvaux sums up in few words the condition of the 
Church in the opening years of the XII I'^ century : " The 
Episcopate ", he says, " leads straight to Hell — and the 
Church has the bishops she deserves*'.^ Still higher, 
the Pope and his Curia labour to destroy by their deeds 
the effect of the good proposals formulated in their utter- 
ances. ' 

An iron fiscal system exstinguishes all sense of pity and 
of evangelical duty. '^ 

There is no human activity over which the imperial 
sway of the Papacy does not extend. The pontifical juris- 
diction, vexatious and tyrannical, not content with trench- 
ing upon the independence of Kingdoms, interposes — 
sinister ally of the "Don Rodrigo" of those times — to 
prevent the nuptials of the poor. "^ 

I Salimbene, Chr. (ed. Parmae 1857) 274-5 ; Luc. Tudens. Bibl. max. vet. 
patrum XXV, 13. 5. Bernard. De consid. I, 7 (11, 418). 

^ Caes. II 28. St. Peter Damian used to say that the harhirasium alone 
(Ep. I, 15 Op. 1, 12) distinguished the ecclesiastic from the man of the world; 
he refers to the clean-shaven face ; but some historians have not properly under- 
stood the phrase. 

3 Some one says to Pope Innocent III : Os tuum os Dei est, sed opera tua 
sunt opera diaboli : Caes. II, 30. 

4 5. Bern. De consid. Ill, 3 (II, 437) : Quando hactenus aurum Roma 
refugit ? Pastor, Hist, des papes depuis la fin du moyen-age I (trad, franc. 1888) 
I, 10 seqq. 

5 S. Bern. De consid. Ill, 2 (11,435): Parata omnia, invitati multi ; et ecce 
homo concupiscens uxorem proximi sui, in vocem appellationis inopinatae pro- 
rumpit, aflirmans sibi traditam prius . . . sacerdos non audet progredi ... 


Caesar of Heisterbach has a charming story in which he 
recounts how a husband, unjustly desirous of divorce, ac- 
cepted the offer of the devil's help. The fiend carried 
him to the papal Curia, where he made an effective ora- 
tion and gained his point, obtaining the Bull of divorce- 
ment. But the good devil, more righteous than the Pope, 
made his client, by dint of a fantastic journey, forget Pope, 
Bull and divorce, and brought him back to his spouse 
loving and loved again.' 

A plain indication of the popular feelings towards the 
Ecclesiastics is afforded by that particular protection of the 
clergy which the Councils sanction in the XI'^ and XII'^ 
centuries, under the name of "Privilege of the Canon"." 
As for the monastic Orders, they had increased enormously, 
and as they increased, so their decadence proceeded, side 
by side with that of the secular clergy.' Finally the 
constitution of new Rules was rigorously prohibited ; but 
neither this prohibition, nor the energetic measures of the 
Papacy availed to heal the incurable evils of the time. ^ 
For some time past Monachism — which, in order to keep 
itself alive assumed even the knightly habit in the Military 
Orders — had been in full course of decadence. It no 

1 V, 37 A splendid story well worthy of the author of the Decameron. A 
knight (cfr. V, 36) enjoys many services at the hands of a good devil, who accepts 
as comjiensation a small sum of money, and restores even that at once, on condi- 
tion that the knight employs it to buy bells for a poor, abandoned church. 

2 This measure protects, under pain of excommunicatio lalae sententiae, every 
tonsured person from unjust acts of violence : it originated actually in connexion 
with heretical persecutions. Deer. Grat. C. XVII, 4, 29 - Cone. Lat. II a. II 39. 
Cfr. Cone. Clerm. 1 1 30 and Pisan. 11 35 : Mansi, XXI. 439. 490. Hinschius 
Kirchenr. 1 § 16(1869): Friedberg-Ruffini, Trattato. 241. 

3 Reg. Pontif. 11, No. 2454 (Inn. III). Bull. ed. Taur. Ill, 192. Cone. Lat. 
IV c. 13: Mansi. XXII, 1120. 

4 Reg. Pontif. II. No. 15 ; 57 ; 158; 166; 392; 578 (Montecassino), 888; 
1154; 1734; 1772; 1828; 1843; 2554; 3313; 3791 (Farfa) ; 3576,4680 
etc. (Innoc. III). 


longer responded to the needs and aspirations of the age. 
Political dominion, and the riches on which the frati set 
such store, gave rise to intestine discords ; the envious eyes 
of the laity were cast upon the wealth of the Monasteries ; 
within the cloister, discipline was relaxed and shameless 
luxury reigned, and, as a result, Monachism became the 
butt of general and open derision/ 

Not seldom the cloisters were turned into mere " houses 
of correction", arousing a sombre horror by their sinister 
ceremonies of Profession. A motley company assembles 
within their walls, whither drift in troops the disappointed, 
the victims of parental greed, or of their own illusions ; 
visionaries, men of infamous character, and simple spirits 
diabolically seduced by the coaxing promises of monasti- 
cism.' And from these elements — vitiated, marred, or 
diseased — are distilled influences of disquietude, of incre- 
dulity, of material and moral disorder, of jesting scepticism. 

Relic of an antique asceticism, running its degenerate 
course amid miserable entanglements and fantastic elabo- 
rations, oscillating between sceptical irony and the twilight 
of a dying religious sentiment, Monachism was an incubus 
upon the Church. Its intrusions into the ecclesiastical sphere 
caused her constant annoyance, as did also its evil living, 
which called down a storm of reproach and contempt that 
was an astonishment to the Church herself.^ 

1 Reg. di Farfa ; (Roma 1892) V. No. 1229 ; a. 1119, 1 125 (318 seqq.) : 
Nonnulli edam - nos deridebant et cibos delicatos ac pigmentorum potus, in prae- 
cipuis sumptos solemniis, ad memoriam subsannando nobis deducebant. 

2 Places of punishment : Imt. Nov. 1 23, 1 34 ; Greg. I, Ep. I, 49 ; V, 5 ; 
V. 1 7 ; VIIl, 48 ; of refuge for delinquents : Greg. M. Dial. 1, 4. Mem. e doc. 
Lucchesi, V, 2 No. 309 a. 803 etc. Caes. I. 29, 30, 31, IV, 37; cfr., IV, 1. 
- Deer. Greg. IX. V, 3, 25. Moral outrages and reasons for taking the veil: Caes. 
I, 8, 18, 19, 24, 28 etc. etc. Horror of the tonsure: Caes. IV, 51. Fetters for 
those who try to leave the cloister: S. P. Dam. Op. II, 212. 

3 Corruption: 5. Bern. Apol. ad Guill. ab. c. 21 seqq. (Op. II 541); 


But the Church is staggering under other and fiercer 
blows. She feels herself losing the monopoly of knowledge. 
Culture and the ecclesiastical life had been regarded by 
the early Middle Ages as one and indivisible ; ' but now, 
in the Universities where knowledge is concentrated, the 
desire for freedom of thought is not be curbed. Paris 
refuses to obey the suspicious admonitions of the papal 
authority, ^ and from the Aristotelian books, in vain pro- 
scribed, flash forth the first gleams of modern science. ' 
The divine simplicity of the school of Jesus is lost in the 
wearying mazes of the syllogism,'^ and the clever logician 
who reasons and disputes subtilly of God despises the 
miserable dialectic of the "piccolo Gesu"."^ 

Such was the condition of the Church in the age of 
Francis of Assisi. Sombre though they be, the colours of 

Joachim abb. In Apocal. (Venet. 1527) 189, 190. Mittarelli, Ann. Camald. 
IV app. 323 a. 1213. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla No. 47, 59, 69 etc. 

In ancient times the monasteries in Italy, were genuine hospices which catered 
by contract : R. Arch. Neapol. Mon. I, n. 30 ; Cod. Cavensis Dipiom. I, n. 108; 
Reg. Neap. n. 123, 129: X and XI centuries; cfr. Reg. Pontif. I n. 4269 
(Leo XI) a. 1051. 

Ancient - and less ancient - scandals, in Mem. Luce. V, 2 n. 803 ; R. 
Arch, di Stato di Lucca, Reg. Vol. In. 1 86 sec. X. - " Certe si in rebus meis 
habuissem prosperitatem, numquam venissem ad Ordinem ! " exclaims a sincere 
frale : Caes. I, 28. 

Right of admission into monasteries purchased in ringing coin paid to the 
convent : Deer. Greg. IX, V, 3, 1 9. Cfr. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla n. 221. 

Incredulity : Words of a nun driven to desperation by her vows. ' ' Quis 
scit si Deus sit, si sint cum illo angeli, animae vel regnum coelorum ? Quis 
ista vidit ? " - Caes. IV, 39. 

Contract for a farm-tenancy . . . and for the tonsure for his children ! in Fan- 
tuzzi, Mon. Ravenn. II, n. 48 a. 1108. 

1 « Et si surrexerit ex nobis doctos aut scientes homines Deum timentes, qui 
ipsa ecclesia ordinaverint » say certain founders of churches in the tenth century : 
Cod. Cavensis Dipl. II n. 231. 

2 Chart. Paris. In. 12. 20 (a. 1210-1215). 

3 Caes. V, 21. Cfr. Chart. Paris. I, 272-5. 

i Read the lament of an ascetic in Chart. Paris. In. 1 9. a. 11 64. 

s Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. XXVIII. 116: ex Math. Paris. Cron. maior. 



^the picture are not exaggerated. We have not interrogated 
either professional satirists, or heretics, or schismatics : the 
entire account is derived from orthodox sources — from popes, 
bishops, friars, preachers, who have said nothing but what 
gave them grievous pain, forced to reveal the truth because 
every attempt to conceal it would have been ridiculous 
and useless. And if the Church did not perish, she owed 
her preservation — paradoxical as it may seem— to the same 
cause from which her trouble sprang. It was the constant 
relations of her religious life with that of the civil power 
which prevented the assaults of heresy from achieving a 
victory. The rest was accomplished by the daundess 
energy of Innocent III. The Franciscan episode is all but 
lost in the bloody repression of the great heretical movement ; 
but not even the days of the great German Reformation 
were so big with threats and dangers as those which saw 
the Saint of Assisi. 

Let us consider that movement a little more closely, 
alike in its causes and in its immediate effects. Among 
the graver consequences of the corruption of the clergy, we 
must give the first place to the absolute alienation from the 
Church of the lowest classes in the social scale. The utter 
impoverishment of the ecclesiastical treasury rendered increas- 
ingly difficult, if not impossible, the continuance of that 
public beneficence for which the Church's treasures were 
intended, being, in TertuUian's memorable phrase, deposita 
pietatis: ' and the hardship of this fell especially upon the 
parochial clergy who were left almost entirely to their own 
resources^ — -and the more so since the rapacity of the bishops 
had been reinforced by that of the laity great and small.'' 

I Apolog. c. 39. 

^ Pasqui, Op. c. No. 61, sec. X. Quia Tuscis consueludo est, ut, recepto 


Meanwhile in the ecclesiastics themselves the sense of 
evangelical piety and gentleness grew feebler and feebler. 
Saint Bernard saw in the impudent luxury of the bishops 
a deadly insult to the unspeakable misery of the humbler 

Finally, the language of the priest loses all trace of a 
popular tone, and stereotypes itself in forms suggested by 
a revived scholastic rhetoric. Saint Peter Damian destroys 
the austere poetry of the Crucifixion with arid juridical 
discussions in which Christ figures as advocate and judge 
on the wood of the cross ; while Innocent III when he 
would expound the Law of God, takes as his starting point 
the definition of a Roman testamentum. ' 

In general, the clergy — with certain notable exceptions, 
many of whom do not belong to Italy- — suffer from lack 
of the nourishment of a deeply Christian culture and piety ; 
and religions instruction and the practices of worship are 
reduced to stupid formalities. ^ God Himself is taken away 
from the soul of the faithful, and His place filled by whole 
armies of saints with their miraculous relics : articles of 
commerce — of a sceptically calm commerce — in the greatest 
of the maritime cities of Italy ! '^ And these saints reflect 

ab Ecclesia libello, in contumadam convertantur contra Ecclesiam, ita ut vix aut 
numquam reddant censum, Privilege of Ugo and Lotario to the Church of Arezzo. 

1 De moribus episcoporum c. 2 (II, 470): Clamant vero nudi, clamant famelici, 
conqueruntur et dicunt : numquid aurum a freno repellit frigus, sive esuriem ? 

2 5. P. Datn. Op. II 27 seqq. Inn. Ill, Op. 171 (Sermo in Lccl. 45). 
It was the " Populares Sermones " of St. Ambrose that were responsible for the 
conversion of St. Augustine : Confess. VI, 4. 

3 Confessions en masse, and recitation of the sins by the Confessor himself, 
who gives to all the penitence of the preceding year I Caes. Ill, 44, 45. Before 
Gregory IX, the canons of Mantua spread out the blood-stained tunic of their 
murdered bishop demanding vengeance : Salimhene, 4. 

4 Odofred C. I, 2, 3 : Mercatores veneti et Janue - vadunt per mare et in 
urbe Costantinop. emunt reliquias apostolorum et martyrum et aliorum sanctorum, 
et portant et vendunt... (174). Innocent himself forbids the sale of certain conchae 


the soul of their devotees and of the age. What they 
desire is external reverence, the formal homage of believers ; 
and they are ready to lend themselves to pious frauds, and 
to work advertisement-miracles in order to save the life, the 
honour and the good name of those who confide themselves 
to their patronage. ' 

Within the cities, within the very circle of family and 
clan, strife rages, furious and incessant. The authority of 
Church and State imposes truces and peaces which no one 
observes. The weakest are at the mercy of any one who 
has the power and audacity to play the tyrant, and to put 
himself in the right always and at all costs. In vain the 
oppressed look for comfort and aid from the Church, for 
the Church has not the independence of that which tran- 
scends all mundane parties and interests. Nay, she is mixed 
up herself in the great and little contests ; judge and interested 
party at the same time, she is bound by common material 
interests to the oppressors, from whom, therefore she can 
neither demand nor request pity for the miserable. 

The communal movement represents political heresy, 
that is, conscious separation from the general constitution of 
the State ; the religious movement, which is in substance 
also heretical, developes along lines parallel to the political, 
and the two tendencies unite, up to a certain point, in 
their quest of a remedy, material or moral, for the intole- 
rable disorder which prevails. This is the reason why 
heresy has so much vitality from the XI'*" century onwards, 
and a character so special in Italy. Where the murmur of 

belonging to the sanctuary of St. James of Composteila : Ep. X, 78 (ed. Balut. II, 
44). Salimbene, 39, makes fun of the gross vanity of self-named Saints who gave 
their own clothes away as relics. 

■ Caes. VII, 44. Cfr. Jacques Je Vitry. Exempla No. 282. 


citizen liberties is less powerful than in Italy, heresy finds 
its support in other political and social circumstances, as is 
not difficult to discern in the most conspicuous events of 
the Xlir^ century. 

That century was preparing for the Church a state of 
things far from pleasant. There were the disasters of the 
crusades and of the contests between Church and Empire 
during the reigns of Philip of Swabia, Otto IV, Frederic II 
and Louis IX of France ; there was the embitterment of 
civil strife due to the astute policy of the Swabian Emperors ; 
and the vigorous resumption of temporal policy by the 
Roman See, in the definite constitution of the States of the 
Church, in opposition to the Empire, the free cities and the 
Signorie of central Italy. And as though all this were not 
sufficient, the will of the Empress Constance gave over 
southern Italy into the hands of the Pope during the minority 
of her son. Under the accumulated burden of so many 
grave demands, it is not difficult to understand how the 
Church for a moment, feared she would be overwhelmed 
by the forces of victorious heresy. 

Caesarius of Heisterbach who, behind the light mystic 
veil of his visions, offers to view also the things of this 
world as they really are, is right in putting among the 
principal events of the period the remarkable success of the 
Albigensian heresy. This movement, according to him, con- 
quered nearly a thousand cities and would have subjugated 
the whole of Europe, but for the tongue of Innocent III 
and the sword of Simon de Montforte. ' 

The slaughter of the Albigenses was, then, no merely 
meaningless atrocity. The " Inquisitio haereticae pravitatis, " 
with the aid of the secular arm and of the zealous measures 

■ V, 21. 


of the Preaching Friars and of the Inquisitorial police suc- 
ceeded, says a XVIP^ century witer, in extinguishing with 
fire and sword the most dangerous centres of infection. ' 

Later on there came a breath of scepticism which cooled 
the ardour of propaganda and of faith, and the political activi- 
ties of the popes assumed a correspondingly milder form. In 
the XIV"' century the daily and hourly crusades against 
heresy evoked no longer the solemn and dignified response 
of a martyr's heroism. Scorn and satire succeeded to tears 
and blood ; and the Italian spirit issued from those trials 
endowed with new gifts — the serene indifference and the 
gay irony that sparkle on many pages of Giovanni Boccaccio 
and Franco Sacchetti. 

But we must hark back a little. Heresy was not only 
contested in the open field as the perennial foe of Chris- 
tianity : attempts were also made, and made with a gen- 
tleness that was largely sincere, to bring back into the 
orthodox fold some of the less intramigeantes of the sects. 
Memorable instances are those of Valdo, Durandus of 
Huesca, Bernardo Primo and their companions. Among 
the most innocent, but but by no means the least efficacious, 
of the allies of orthodox repression, is to be noticed the 
delicate cultivation of religous art and sentiment in the 
atmosphere of a kind of literary Renaissance which was 
the prelude to the later Humanism. This is a point of 
some obscurity in the history of the period and one which, 
I am persuaded, has been greatly neglected. ^ 

1 Deer. Greg. IX ; V 5, 7, \3 - Cone. Lat. IV. c. 3. Himchius, V § 259. 
For lay legislation, see Ficker, in Mitth. des Inst, fiir oesterr. Geschichtsforsch. 

I, 2. (1880): Die gesetzliche Einfiihrung der Todesstrafe f. Ketz. I 79 seqq. Kohler, 
Das Strafr. der ital. Statuten, 1897; 596 seqq. Legislaz. imperiale: MG. Leges 

II. 252. 282. 287. 326; Const. Regni Sic. I. I. 

2 See the two monographs on the subject : Haureau, M6m. sur les recits 


The apocalyptic inspiration of the Abbot Joachim is not 
the only fruit of the sincere commotion of so many souls 
sincerely devoted to orthodoxy — a commotion free from the 
taint of shameful impurities. An entire literature appears 
which is marked by a return the old popular and mystical 
sources of the ancient Church. The " Vitae Patrum, " ' 
the works of Sulpicius Severus, of Gregory the Great and 
of Gregory of Tours, the dogmatic encyclopaedia furnished 
by the writings of Saint Augustine, the moving pages of 
Saint Ambrose, the monastic conferences of Cassian : — all 
these come to life again in the treatises, the fairy-tales, the 
visions of a later Age, clothed in a garb more congenial, 
less rigidly ascetic. 

The outcome of these imitations is twofold. On the 
aesthetic side we have a literary product endued with all 
the beauty and charm of Art, and a subtle and delicate 
humour which springs from the serenity of the Art itself ; 
on the practical side, it subserves a serious purpose and 
reveals a definite aim. These miraculous narratives, these 
pious stories and examples, are a vehicle for the diffusion 
of sound ideas, to counteract the wicked sentiments inspired 
by heresy, or the very unfortunate impression produced by 
all that was known of Church or Cloister. 

To this class of literature belong the sermons of Jacques 
de Vitry, the stories of Caesarius of Heisterbach, and 
also — let us say it at once — no small part of the Franciscan 

If the preacher's desire is to combat heretical doctrines 

d' apparition dans le moven-age ; Mem. de 1' Inst. nat. de France XXVIII, 2 
(1876) 238 seqq. & Schdnbach in Situungsber. der k. Ak. Wien, Bd. 139, I seqq. 
I On this book, see Preuschen, Palladius und Rufinus; Beilr. zur Quellenkunde 
des alt. Monchtums, 1897; 205 seqq. Kurtz. I § 102. 


hostile to the sacrament of the Eucharist, a learned theolog- 
ical discussion on the subject of transubstantiation would 
provide him with an opportunity merely of boring his audience 
to no purpose ; but a miracle of the type of the famous 
miracle of Bolsena immediately arouses wonder and attention 
whenever it is related with unctuous eloquence. ^ 

The heretics held, as we shall see shortly, that Jesus 
was a fantastic apparition : and so the miraculous vision of 
the Virgin Birth, or the image of the Crucified dripping 
with blood and tears — such narratives offer the most vivid 
and realistic confutation of the heretical error. We are 
now, obviously, very near to the ceremony of the Presepio 
di Greccio and the miracle of the Stigmata ; ^ a form of 
literature which, with its light and almost gay tone, varied 
with a charming playfulness so unlike grave works of theology, 
is adapted to every end. From it the preacher will draw 
his examples ; from it the man of the cloister will select 
his friar types — simple or learned, touchy or placid — for 
the instruction of the novices ; the popular theologian and 
the moralist will find here their best stories, stories which 
illustrate more aptly than any doctrinal commentary the 
virtue of the Christian. All, in fact, have in their hand 
the secret of unfailing success, which consists in making 
oneself understood, while avoiding tediousness. It was 
natural that the legend of a Saint like him of Assisi should 
be embroidered with popular themes — themes which, though 
popular, are none the less intimately related to the theolog- 
ical and dogmatic discussions of the period. Round the 

' For the doctrinal basis of the question in the Middle Ages, ,see Ernst, Die 
Lehre d. hi. Paschasius Radbertus von der Euch. 1 896 : Michaud, Etud. Eucharist. 
Rev.-Int. de theol. 1895. 

2 On the doctrine of Radbert (expounded in his book De partu virginali) and 
that of Ratramnus, see, for the literature, Kurlz 1 § 92. 


central figure of Saint Francis arise, one by one, the second- 
ary forms of his " Companions ", immortal creations of 
mediaeval art, like Giovanni and Ginepro, the "simple" 
friars, whom we shall see again under other names and 
in other places; or Egidio, ("Bro. Giles"), who repeats, 
as enigmas, the Verba Seniorum from the " Lives of the 
Fathers". Every friar is the incarnation or personification 
of some one virtue of the Saint. Around the meagre histo- 
rical reality of the "Companions" of Francis, the current 
of legend builds up a picture, with forms drawn from the 
old and inexhaustible store which might truly be designated 
" The Legend of the Ages ". By the appeal of his 
preaching and of his triumphs Saint Francis has attracted to 
himself the wandering story in search of a concrete home in 
which to settle ; the special circumstances of the Age have 
added, besides the outer shell of the legend, that unity and 
special character which it presents to him who studies it. 

Meanwhile we must not forget that the Age of Saint Francis 
was that which saw the fiercest assault of heresy in Italy : 
a subject which cannot be entirely passed over without 
damage to the whole argument. 

During the W^ and XIP'' centuries the heretics increase 
in boldness and in energy. The "Vulpeculae" labour to 
destroy the Vineyard of the Lord, ' against which they 
wage a truceless war. Active in their preaching, '^ in their 
pursuit of knowledge (especially at the University of Paris), ^ 

1 Already by Gregory the Great the heretics are called oulpes — the same name 
that was given them in the later age. Super. Cant. Cant, Expos, c. Ill No. 1 7. 
Cfr. Deer. Greg. IX V. 7.10 — Reg. II. No. 643 (Inn. Ill) ; Jacques de Viliy 
No. 304. 

2 Hence the prohibition of lay preaching. Deer. Greg. IX V. 7, 9 (Lucius III 
a. 11 84): V. 7,6 — Cone. Lat. Ill (a. 1 1 79) c. 27; Deer, cit, V, 7. 11 e 1 3 — 
Cone. Lat. IV, etc. Caes. VI, 20. 21 ; Tacco, 178. 

3 Math. 'Paris, in MG. SS. XXVIII, 231 a. 1242. 


in political intrigues, ' in mutual succour, ^ in the translation 
of the Scriptures into the vernacular ; ^ they present an united 
front to the enemy, while yet profoundly divided in the 
matter of their tenets. They change their names and their 
doctrines ; the latter they are prepared to relax or even to 
modifiy entirely if circumstances demand it. 

A complete classification of the heresies is still to be made.'^ 
Those which present themselves under the name of Valdo 
have tendencies less radical than the rest. These latter, which 
are followed by the Cathari, recall more distinctly the ancient 
Manichaeism. The Cathari predominate over all the others, 
and are themselves subdivided into a number of different sects. 

After the middle of the Xlir*" century we have a 
description by Berthold of Regensburg of the heretical 
doctrines as generally held in common by the mass of the 
heterodox ; and it is observable that the differences which 
he notes between sect and sect are by no means grave. ^ 
This is a clear indication that, if repressive measures had not 
supervened, some more robust group would have imposed 
a certain unity upon the beliefs, the variety of which was 

1 They beg the Saracens to aid them against the catholics : Joach. in Apocal. 
(ed. Ven. 1527) 134 ; Or is it a calumny, like the " obscene orgies " which certain 
Italian historians have adduced, forgetful of the accusations brought against the early 
Christians {Justin. Apol. I, 27, 5)? On their depraved characteristics: Moneta, 
advers. Cath. et Vald. (Romae 1 743) 545 seqq. R. Sacconi in Marline et Durand, 
Thes. novs. V, 1 767 ; Schonbach, in Sitzungsber. Wien XLVII, 62. 

2 The heretics of Milan send victuals to those of Brescia, Caes. X, 49. 

i Inn. in, Ep. II, 140-1 (ed. Balutius I, 432); Hurler, III, 45-6, Metz. 
v^fho does not accord to the Pope even in the days of Gregory VII the right to 
excommunicate the Emperor. (Reg. II N. 5000). And these translations prove their 
study of the texts. Tract, de Haer. Paup. de Lugd. in Thes. cit. V, 1777; Jizonii, 
ad sing. Leges Cod. Comm. (Lugd. 1596) I, 1, 1 [7]. 

4 Schonbach 1. c. 8, 32 : Tocco, 1 86 seqq. 

5 Names: Deer. Greg. IX. V, 7. 9. Reg. II No. 891 ; Stat. Syn. Tull. in 
Mansi XXII, 650 (1192); Sacconi in Bibl. Max. Vet. Patrum, XXV, 262, e 
in Thes. cit. V, 1 763 ; Berthold of Regensburg speaks of 200 heresies ; Schonbach 
1. c. 108. 


proportioned to the greater freedom of the internal consti- 
tution of the heretics. 

From the Alps to Sicily the serpent of infection trails 
its course through the principal cities. The leading part 
among all is taken by Milan, which seems to fill the place 
occupied in the previous century by Florence. ' Still, even 
after the middle of the XIP century, there was living in 
the Valley of Spoleto — in touch, therefore, with Assisi 
(which in the first years of the XIIP^ century welcomed 
as its ruler a heretical podesta) a heterodox community 
of a hundred persons. "^ 

The principal dogmatic errors can be deduced from the 
recantation (cleverly transmuted into a profession of orthodox 
faith) of Bernardo Primo, ^ who belong to the group of 
Lombard Waldensians ; '^ and for commentary on these tenets 
and illustration of them we need only go to the polemical 
writings of the Inquisitors.'^ 

Bernardo and his companions now (that is, after their 
recantation), acknowledge the Old Testament as the Law 
of God ; the mission of the prophets and of the Baptist ; the 
divinity and the humanity of Jesus ; the unity of the Roman 
Church ; the validity of the Sacraments even if administered 

1 Hurler, III, 13 seqq. Schmidt 1, 69 seqq. Tocco III seqq. Reg. II 

No. 268.643.684.891,2704.2709.2710,2932,3666,4944" (Inn. Ill) Caes. VII, 23. 
Math. Paris. 1. c. 231. For Sicily: Inn. Ill, Ep. 1 509. Inn, III, Ep. XII. 17. 
Reg. II No. 3694. Milan had granted a meadow for the meeting of the " Pooeri 
Lombardi " even before their abjuration. 

2 Reg. II No. 2237 a. 1204; Sacconi, Thes. cit. 1768. 

3 Inn. III. Ep. XIII, 94 (ed. Balut. II. 458): Reg. II. No. 4014 a. 1210. 

4 Haupt, in Sybel'i Hist. Zeitschr. N. F. XXV. 49-55. 

5 We must not stray into dogmatic exposition, a subject on which there is a li- 
terature which grows year by year. A small part of this is referred to at the 
beginning of the Chapter. Nor do we propose to return entirely under the escort 
o f Karl Miiller, to the subject of the relations between the heretical movement 

and the Franciscan. The sole purpose of our researches is to give materials for 
a just appreciation of the tendency of the Franciscan Legend : no more, and no less. 


by an unworthy priest (so be he orthodox) ; the Sacrament 
of the Eucharist whereby, after the consecration, the 
bread and wine are the Body and Blood of Christ ; matri- 
mony after the teaching of Saint Paul ; all the ecclesiastical 
orders — to whom honour is to be paid, — and the efficacy 
of intercessions for the souls of the departed. The converts, 
mindful that faith is dead without good works, have given 
all to the poor, and wish to be poor themselves : quae 
habebamus, velut a Domino consultum est, pauperis eroga- 
vimus; et pauperes esse decrevimus. They propose to 
abjure all anxiety for the morrow, and while remaining in 
the world to follow as precepts the counsels of the Gospel. 
If we add that the recantation touches on the principle of 
the right of the public authority to shed blood in virtue 
of the punitive power that belongs to it, we shall have 
gathered from the famous document that which throws most 
light on the heretical dogmas and principles. 

After their conversion the Lombard Waldensians renoun- 
ced the absolute liberty of preaching, and devoted themselves 
to it only when the permission of the Church had been 
previousy obtained. In a word, we have here over again 
the lines laid down for the group of Pauperes Catholici 
under the leadership of Durandus of Huesca, which had so 
meagre a success in the world of orthodoxy. 

The doctrines of the Cathari, on the other hand, are more 
radical. Throughout their diverse gradations there can be 
discernibly traced as a constant factor the collection of pre- 
cepts known as the "Three Signs" (whence are derived 
the obligations of abstinence, virginity and purity) that is 
characteristic of the heresy — or, if we may so call it, the 
religion — of Manichaeism, so strangely confounded with 


The sects are distinguished by dogmatic divergences as 
regards for instance, the conditional recognition or the absolute 
condemnation of the priesthood and the sacraments. But 
though little in harmony with one another in other respects, 
they are all characterised by a profound and predominating 
aversion to the Roman Church. The Church of Rome 
is Babylon ; the Pope is Antichrist^ — the successor not of 
Christ but of Constantine : ' — in the bosom of that Church 
none may hope for salvation. Fanatical, indomitable hatred 
reacts on their very beliefs. These beliefs claim to start 
from the ancient ideas of the primitive Church, but are 
marked by a certain embittered violence and are accom- 
panied by a rigorous asceticism intolerant of all those relics 
of paganism that had survived in Christian dress. 

Places of worship and sacred images are condemned ; ^ 
the Madonna is an object of derision. ^ Manichaean dualism 
treats the impure body very harshly, while pouring itself 
out in a kind of pathological tenderness for the things created 
by the Good God. The divine creation ought not to be 
polluted by the touch of a sacrilegious hand. '^ That which 
exists has a right to live. Love, which, in the austerity 

1 Muratori, Antiq. Ital. M. Aevi V, 123. Moneta, 409,431. Schoenbac'i, 
1. c. 4,19. Thes. cit. V, 1779 etc. etc. Caes. V, 22: Dicebant enim quia Papa 
esset Antichristus, et Roma Babylon. Fumi. Cod. Dipl. di Orvieto ( 1 884) ; No. 439. 

2 Contempt of the aedes sacrae : Arnob: adv. nat. VI, 1 (CV. 214); of 
images ib. & Greg. I, Ep, IX, 208 (Marsilia) ; Mansi Xll, 1060, a. 785. Pro- 
bition of swearing : Hist. Lausiac. c. 49 ; Vita Posthumii c. 6 {Migne, Patrol, 
lal. LXXIII, Vitae Patrum [Rosrveyde] 1153,432. Errors as regards the Real 
Presence of Christ in the Eucharist : Migne, 1. c. 978-9 ; Rosweyde, 635. Even 
the form of cross adored by the heretics (the T-shaped) is not a fraud but a return 
to archaic traditions ; Luc. Tud. in Bibl. max. vet. patr. cit. XXV, 224. 

3 Thes. cit. V, 1764; Bonacorsi, in D'Acbeiy Spicilegium (17-23) I, 208; 
so loo the angels, Scboenbacb, 1. c. 3. 6. Muratori, Ant. It. m. aevi V, 250 
[Op. Greg.]. 

4 On the bonus el malus Deus : S. Greg. M. Moral. IX in c. 10 Job ; n. 74. 
Caes. V, 21 ; Hamack, I. 735 seqq. Schoenbach, 1. c. 3, 6. 


of the heretical system, is devoid of smiles, expands itself 
unchecked in adoration and in the contemplation of the 
beauties of the Eternal. The gentle error of Saint Augus- 
tine's youthful Manichaean phase is revived — the temper 
that weeps in sympathy with the fruit plucked from its 
parent stem. ' Satan is not the enemy of God and man, ^ 
eternally damned. He penetrates, humble and sighing for 
pardon, even into the cloisters of the orthodox, in search 
of a confessor ; ^ but Saint Michael, to whom he owes his 
fall, does not find favour with the heretics.'' Jesus is a 
shadow. He has suffered nothing upon earth. His birth 
took place in an entirely special way; and the "fantastic" 
conception of the Redeemer figures even in the sermons 
of Innocent III where the horrible heresy is combated. 
Hence arises also the kindred error on the Body of Jesus 
in the Eucharist, which makes it a mere sign and figure 
of the "fantastic" flesh assumed by the Saviour.' 

Throughout, the inquisitors are at one in recognising the 
gentleness and austerity of the heretics' lives, the persuasive 
sweetness of their preaching, and their intrepid and unflin- 

1 Condemnation of marriage: Eckbert. in Max. Bibl. cit. XXIII, 601 ; Concil. 
Tolos. (a. 1119) c. 3; Mansi, VII 226. Schoenbach, 1. c. 9, 63. Abstinence from 
certain kinds of food Schoenhuch, 1. c. - 5. August. Confess. Ill, 10; VI, 7. 
CV. 59, 125-6. 

2 Schoenbach, 1. c. 9, 21 : Quod iniuste sit ejectus Lucifer et orant et jejunant 
et se cruciant pro illo. Si Lucifer malus fuit, quid ad Michahelem ? 

3 Caes. Ill, 26. 

4 See note 2. 

5 Mansi I. c. Cone. Tol. c. 3. Alanus, Migne Patrol, lat CCX, 321 ; Pa- 
schasius, Migne CCXX, 1259 seqq. Schoenbach, 1. c. 16,25,63,67,76. Inno- 
cenzo III: Reg. II No. 3684; Op. (Ven. 1578). There is a reference not 
yet observed in S. Pier Damiano, II, 162 : Theotocos quia Deum veraciter genuit. 
The Eucharistic heresy s clearly expressed in the " Verba seniorum " : Migne 
LXXIII, 978-9 {Rossweyde V. P. 635) : Dicebat non esse naluraliter corpus 
ChrisU panem, quern sumimus, sed figuram eius esse. The miracle supervenes to 
convince the " simple " heretic. For other identical miracles see 5. P. Damiani, 
Op. Ill, 294; Caes IX, 23; IX. 41. 


ching courage in the face of death. ' The continual oscil- 
lation of the various beliefs makes it difficult to discern 
beneath the piety of an heretic, the inner poison of the 
doctrine ^ that has made headway especially among the 
poor, the unfortunate and the destitute. ^ 

This is not the place to treat of the " Consolamentum " 
which is the most important of heretical ceremonies : ^ but 
it will be well to bear in mind that in that ceremony the 
Gospel of Saint John — always a favourite in heretical cir- 
cles^ — plays a leading part. '^ 

Another point noted by Berthold of Regensburg as 
a peculiar gift of the heretics is the knowledge of many 
languages. This may probably be due to the frequent rela- 
tions between groups belonging to different nationalities; 
Berthold characteristically atrributes it to Satanic agency. ^ 

Of the modest merchant class — sure channel of Albi- 
gensian doctrine^ — in a city far from friendly to that sacer- 
dotal authority which steered tenaciously its cold pohtical 
course regardless of Signorie or free communes ; *^ amid a 
whirlwind of doctrines and of conflicts ; in an atmosphere 
where the ecstatic tenderness of heresy was further sweetened 

1 Muralori, 1. c. 98; Thes. cit. V, 1780; Caes. V. 18, 19, 20 etc. " ora- 
tiones dulces " : Schoenbach, 1. c. 18. For the prohibition to kill animals etc. Thes. 
cit. V, 1780. 

2 A long trial was necessary to discover whether Pongilupi of Ferrara was 
a heretic or not: Muratori 1. c. 191 seqq. 

3 Math. Paris, in Mon. Germ. Hist. XXVIII, 231 (mercatores) ; Schoenbach, 
1 20 : workmen, rustics, slaves, Luc. Tud. Bibl. cit. XXV, 242 : nisi ab aliis 
accipiant eleemosynam, vel nisi propiis manibus operantur, non habent unde pas- 
cantur; cfr. Caes. V, 21. 

4 Doellinger 11 39. 

5 Doellinger I, 119; Schoenbach, 1. c. 93.94.^ 

6 Schoenbach, 1. c. 20,23 ; et ille diabolus scit quatuor vel decern linguas. 

7 Math. Paris, in MGH. SS. XXVlll. 331. 

8 Picker, Forsch. zur Reichs-und Rechtsgesch. Italiens, 1869 II § 281,364,370. 
Ancient struggles between bishop and people in Assisi : S. P. Dam. II, 87. 



by the mild Italian temper; in days when the name of 
Jesus, symbol of peace and love, was invoked alike by 
him who was condemned and succumbed, and by him 
who condemned and triumphed — arises Saint Francis of 
Assisi. ' 

I Born between 1181 and 1 1 82 — died in 1 226. 





BETWEEN 1 228 and 1 229 Thomas of Celano, by 
express command of pope Gregory IX, wrote the 
"First Life" of Saint Francis, and between 1246 and 
1247, commissioned by the General Minister of the Order, 
he completed the other work commonly known as the ** Se- 
cond Life. " ^ 

If we are to credit a note attached to a famous manu- 
script, the "First Life" will have had the solemn appro- 
bation of the Pope. ^ As for the second, the importance 
of which, in so far as relates to the development of the 
legendary cycle, has been pointed out quite recendy by a 

1 Sabatier, Vie de s. Fransois [1905] XLV seqq. For the enormously diffuse 
literature on the fontes franciscani I content myself with a single reference : Goetz, 
Die Quellen zur Geschichle des hi. Franz von Assisi [Gotha 1 904] 56 seqq. The 
First Life is quoted from the text of the Bollandists : Acta Sanctorum, T. II Oct. 
683-723 ; the " Second ", according to the MS of the Legenda antiqua, published 
by Rosedale, Legenda s. Francisci auctore Thoma de Celano ; [London, Dent] 
1 904. The edition of Canon Leopoldo Amoni (Roma Tip. della Pace 1 880) has 
been followed only in the division of the parts and chapters. The letter R followed 

f by a number refers to the page in Rosedale's text. The text itself has now been 
[j corrected according to the edition of P. Eduardus Alenconensius, S. Francisci As- 
sisiensis Vita et miracula auctore Fr. Thoma de Celano. Romae, 1906. 

2 Rosedale XXVI. MS. Paris, lat. 381 7 : But the remarks of Tilemann Spec, 
perfectionis und Leggenda trium sociorum (diss, di Laurea) 30-31 must not be 


most acute writer on Franciscan subjects, ^ we shall see 
very soon what place it takes in our researches. 

Of the man to whom the papal authority entrusted this 
very important task we do not know very much. Until 
G. Voigt published the ^editio princeps of the chronicle of 
Giordano da Giano, ^ nothing was known of Thomas except 
those feeble glimmerings that had been passed on to us, 
directly, from his own works and those of the writers of 
the XIIP'' and XIV"" centuries. ^ One point was indisput- 
able, namely that the First and second Life were his; 
but his personality remained in considerable obscurity. 

Thomas relates how the Good God, who was pleased 
of His sole bounty to be mindful of him and of "many 
others, " prevented the Saint from reaching Marocco, and 
called him back from Spain to Assisi. '^ In these somewhat 
enigmatic terms the biographer alludes to his own conversion ; 
which would thus have occurred between 1213 and 1 2 1 6 — 
at the period, that is, of the projeced mission to Marocco 
which was never fulfilled. ^ The months which preceded 
and those which immediately followed this date are notable 
for the large accessions to Saint Francis' band, of laymen 
and ecclesiastics, learned and ignorant, noble and simple, 
all ahke fleeing from the world and the temptations of the 
devil. " But the most noble and discreet soul of Francis, " 
Thomas adds, "did not fail to distinguish between the 

1 Ortroy, Analecta Bolland. XIX, 1 36 seqq. A more radical demolition of 
the Legend of the Three Companions could not be conceived. 

2 Die Denkwiirdigkeiten (1207-1238) des Minoriten Jordanus von Giano in 
Bd. V der Abhandl. der phil, Hist. Classe der k. Sachsischen-Gesellsch. der Wis- 
senschaften, N. VI, (Leipzig 1870) 423 seqq. 

3 Salimbene, Chr. 60; Analecta Franciscana (1885 seqq). HI, 666. (Bernardus 
de Bessa). 

4 I Vita 56. 

5 Goetz, 60 note 5. 


antecedents of the various persons who joined him ; and 
to each he accorded the respect that was due to his rank ". ' 

Among the lettered and noble men who attached them- 
selves to the Saint on his return to the Portiuncula, Thomas 
himself must be placed ; for there is every reason to suppose 
that he belonged to the learned and aristocratic class. 
Sabatier infers from Thomas' narrative that the biographer 
of Saint Francis was probably son of that Thomas, count 
of Celano who is so often mentioned by Richard of 
St. Germain and in the letters of Frederic II to Honorius III.^ 
He observes, however, that the history of the Celano family 
is somewhat involved. They not only gave Innocent III 
and his successors much trouble in the South, ' but also 
played a notable part in the events of central Italy. 

When Otho IV took away the Marca d' Ancona from 
the rebellious Azzo VI of Este he bestowed it on a certain 
Pietro da Celano who died in 1212. The descendants of 
this man were zealous supporters of the Imperial cause, and 
unsuccessfully disputed the possession of the Marca with 
the Pope, who had restored the investiture to Aldobrandino, 
Azzo s son. In 1214 Innocent III excommunicated them, 
and they were subsequently defeated by the Lord of Este. ^ 
Perhaps this double disaster may explain Thomas' resolution, 
for certainly the date of the disasters of the House of Celano 
would seem to correspond with that of the entrance into 
the Order of the future biographer of Saint Francis. We 
are, of course, in the region of hypotheses— not improbable 

1 I Vita 56. 57. 

2 Vie de s. Franjois, LlII note 1. 

3 Reg. II N. 1537. 2926; MG. Ep. Pontif. Rom. Saec. XIII. I. N. 223. 
296, 370, 371, 399. Cfr. for the history of the family. Ughelli-Coleti, Italia Sacra. 
1. 904-7 (doc. a. 1178-1179). 

4 Hurler. Ill, 430-1, Ficker, Forsch. cit. II § 371 : Muratori, Antiq. Est. I. 
417-19; Ann. Patav. in MG. SS. XIX, 151. ' 


ones, but still hypotheses. Nor would the name itself prove 
much. We know that the Frati Minori, like the rest, used 
to change their name at their profession. ' 

I should attach more importance, however, to the nar- 
rative which appears in the "Second Life", where it is 
recorded that apud Celanum the Saint made a present of 
cloth to an imprudent old woman. ^ Did not Thomas wish 
by means of this narrative, to link the name of his own 
native place to one of the many glories of Saint Francis? 

But the two Lives, when studied as fine literary and 
dogmatic elaborations of a single principle which animates 
the whole, tell us something more. They tell us, above 
all that when Thomas entered the Order he had already 
attained a remarkable degree of culture, and that therefore 
he was no longer a mere boy. Admission into the Order 
was possible at fifteen years, ere the famous Pythagorean 
"parting of the ways"-^ had been fully attained; but at 
fifteen one's stock of knowledge is scanty. And after 
Thomas had donned the serge of the Franciscan, the first 
fervour of the monastic life, and then the missionary labours 
which followed, would have left him no leisure to devote 
himself assiduously to studies. ^ Probably — it is a word 
that we shall necessarily repeat with some frequency — pro- 
bably when Thomas became a Minorite he was already 

1 Salimbene, 1 1 . St. Francis himself gives the name " Pacific© *' to the famous 
Rex Versuum when he receives him in the Rule : II Vita, III, 49; Rosedale, 58. 

2 II Vita III, 10 ; R, 48, 49. Cfr. Sabatier, Speculum perfectionis seu Franc. 
Assis. Legenda antiquissima (1898) c. 29 ; 58 nota 1. St. Francis is also made to 
lay at Padua the first stone of the monastery of Cella ; Lib. regim. Padue ed Bo- 
nardi ( 1 899) 79, indeed Ihe chroniclers cause him to go to every place where they 
desire the Saint's presence to lend solemnity to the events which they record. 

3 Salimbene, 10-1: cfr. 1 20 : The phrase is typical of the Middle Ages. 

4 The Studi of the Order flourish at a much later period. H. Felder, Ge- 
schichte der wiss. Studien im Franziskanerord, 1904. 32 seqq. 


a cleric. At any rate Giordano does not put him among 
the lay brethren. ' If he did belong to a noble family, he 
would have found time to attend some school or celebrated 
University ^ while his people were immersed in political life. 
His deep culture is, however, in itself no real proof of 
noble birth. The aristocratic classes had, in general, no 
consummate familiarity with the alphabet, ^ though frequent 
exceptions are not lacking. The south took its share in 
the scientific and literary development of the rest of Italy 
without distinction of classes. '^ 

An attentive observer of minutiae might find faint indi- 
cations of noble lineage in the not unfrequent allusions to 
the nobility and it various grades, so inappropriate in the 
Life of such a Saint as Francis of Assisi. 

The notices of our biographer, properly so called, come, 
all of them, from Giordano di Giano. As has already 
been said, when the second mission to Germany was decided 
upon, in 1221, it was left to the freewill of those who 
should volunteer to take part in it, seeing that grave peril 
was to be faced. In the famous chapter of 1221, in which 
we see Saint Francis abandon himself amost entirely into 
the hands of Bro. Elias, ^ the most vivid picture of the 

1 Voigl, 526 c. 19. 

2 The liberal studies were followed by theology : Chartul. Univ. I N. 26 ; 
a. 1160 c. 

3 Odofred, 1 70 ; C. I 46 ; de off. iudicum. 5. Petri Damiani, Op. II, 208. 

4 Ughelli-Coleti, Italia sacra, VII, 209; Salimbene, 64, 66, 141, Mon. Neapol. 
Reg. Neap. II, I ed. Capasso pag. 59; a 1181 ; Cod. Dipl. Barese V, N. '44. 
158. Cfr. Huillard-Brebolles. Hist. dipl. Frid. II ; IV, I, 383. Siragusa, II regno 
di Guglielmo I; I. 139. 

5 Voigt, 524, c. 1 7 : Et beatus Franciscus, sedens ad pedes Helye fratris, 
iraxit eum per tunicam ; and this because b. F. tunc debilis erat, et quidquid, 
zx parte sui, capitulo dicendum erat frater Helias loquebatur. On Elias there is 
i monograph by Lempp, (T. Ill de la Coll. d' Etudes etc. sur 1' hist, religieuse et 
ett. du m. age) ; but the interpretation there given of the character of the famous 
O-a/e is open to doubt. 


primitive Franciscan Society comes before us. It embraces 
already representatives of the various regions of Italy and 
of Germany; nay, there is a Hungarian also, and there 
figures here that Giovanni da Piano dei Carpini about whom 
there has been so much discussion/ A thrill of adventurous 
and very joyous asceticism animates the great assembly, '^ 
which has assumed the character of the chapters of the 
Missionary Orders. ^ 

We have already observed that our biographer gave in 
his name to the head of the German expedition, Caesarius 
of Spires, who collected a hand, of twenty-five Minorites, 
partly laymen, partly ecclesiastics, including some excellent 
preachers and men of noble birth. Giordano does not record 
the aristocratic origin of Thomas of Celano, as he actually 
does, for instance, of Simone Tosco ; but to Thomas' name 
he appends that Brother's greatest title to fame — -Tomaso 
de Zelano, il quale poi scrisse la prima e la seconda leg- 
genda di S. Francesco. '^ 

At the moment when the future biographer of the Saint 
set foot in Germany, Caesarius of Heisterbach was publishing 
his famous "Oialogue on Miracles", which Thomas was 
to remember later on. 

In 1 223 Caesarius of Spires as provincial minister entrusted 
to Thomas the custodia of Mayence, Worms, Cologne and 
Spires, and the government also of the whole province during 
his absence.^ Thomas' office came to an end with the de- 
spatch from Italy of the new provincial minister Albert of 

1 Voigt, 465 seqq. 

2 Voigt, 524-5: an entire chapter (18) is devoted to the cheering little story 
of Bro. Palmerio of Monte Gargano 1 

3 See the episode of the Life' of S. Romuald in 5. P. Damiani Op. II, 2 1 8. 

4 Voigt, 516; c. 19. 

5 Voigt, 531-2; c. 30, 31. 

CHAPTER 11 55 

Pisa. ' Giordano did not see him again till 1 230, when 
he received from him, at Assisi, a miraculous relic of the 
Saint. ' 

We know nothing more of the biographer. That which 
he narrates in the First and the Second Life, in the capacity 
of an eyewitness and an intimate friend of Saint Francis, 
must be received, as we shall presently demonstrate, with 
considerable diffidence. ^ But nevertheless the fact of his 
presence at Assisi in 1 230 would shew that during the 
last years of Francis' life Thomas had some influence among 
those who formed the Saint's immediate circle. To the 
learned group belonged also Caesarius of Spires, who adorned 
the simple Rule with flowers culled from the gospel ; ^ and 
if the cautious protector of the Order turned for the com- 
pilation of the " Legend " to another member of the learned 
nucleus, Thomas of Celano, he undoubtedly had his reasons 
for doing so. Such a task could not be imposed upon 
the latest comer. When Nicholas IV wished to establish 
the certainty of the miracles which God had wrought through 
the merits of Louis IX of France, he sent thither a man 
of great renown. Maestro Rolando da Parma, who returned 
with the most exsquisite proofs of some eighty miracles, 
and was rewarded by the Pope with a bishopric.^ What 
reward was given to Thomas of Celano I do not know ; 
but we may be sure that the service rendered to Gregory 
was quite as good as that which Nicholas received. The 
Pope formally canonized the Poor Man of Assisi; the 

1 Voigl, I. c. 

2 Voigt. 543 : c. 59. 

3 Vita 11 Prol. R. 8. 

4 Voigt, 522 c. 15. The final Rule was edited directly by Gregory IX in 

5 Salimbene, 351. 


rhetorician of Celano canonized him in literature. The 
nimbus of the Saint intervenes to interrupt our view of 
the figure of the man who approached so near, in 
sweetness of character, to his Master ; and the luxuriant 
rhetorical foliage of the First Life scarcely allows any outlet 
for the subtle perfume of that mystic flower which opened 
on the serene Umbrian hill. 

There is a complete library, for those who care to consult 
it, on the tendency and value of the two Lives of Thomas 
of Celano. The First Life is recognised as the principal 
source for the history of Saint Francis. Its style may be 
at times tediously rhetorical, and the aims of the writer 
obvious and by no means above suspicion ; but the fact 
remains that without Thomas one cannot write about Francis. 
If there is any hope of obtaining a less obstructed view 
of the figure of St. Francis, the slender thread by which 
that hope is suspended leads up to the work of Thomas 
of Celano, the influence of which lies heavy upon all the 
subsequent literature on the subject whether historical or 
legendary. And here it is not easy to reject the weighty 
arguments adduced by Ortroy for the demolition of the 
" Legend of the Three Companions ". ' The majority of 
the early Franciscan documents have as real a dependence 
on Thomas' work as a full flowing river has upon its remote 
source ; and that in spite of the various storms which con- 
vulsed the Order. Hence the practical uselessness of any 
laborious and intricate study, however learned, of the various 
modifications of the narrative, which has not its eye always 
upon the original sources. From the two "Lives" issue 
the subtle threads which lead to the tendencies of the various 

I Anal. BoIIandiana XIX (1900) 119; 126, 140 »eqq. 


groups and individuals. An episode that has become stereo- 
typed in monastic and dogmatic traditions, grows living 
and fresh as the old slumbering ideas awake to life, and 
presents itself with characteristics that suggest the most con- 
summate originality. 

How many eulogies, for instances, have been evoked by 
the " ingenuous charm "of the Fioretti ? An historian, who 
is endowed also with some of the finest gifts of the artist, sees 
in the Fioretti a portrait of the Italian spirit, and does not 
hesitate to affirm that "Without the Fioretti, if we had 
only Thomas and St. Bonaventura to turn to, there would 
have been one name the more to add to the "Common 
of Confessors not Bishops" with St. Dominic and St. Anthony 
of Padua, but we should have lost a figure unique in the 
annals of the Christian Church. " ^ 

How many revelations, again, are we expected to draw 
from the Speculum Perfectionis, attributed to the good 
Brother Leo ! 

It will be better to look at things calmly. Let us take the 
sources as we find them, not suspecting erasures, suppressions, 
corrections in the records in order to give ourselves the 
opportunity of reconstructing them in what may seem to us 
to have been their original state. To give way to such 
ideas is to fall into a confused muddle from which it is 

I Sabalier, Floretum s- Francis. Assis. (1903) Vl-IX. The most recent edi- 
tors of the text of the Fioretti {Fornaciari, Fir., Barbera 1902; 421, and 'Pai- 
serini, Fir. 1903; 247-8), have constantly reproduced Cesari's readings, not ob- 
serving that now and again the halting sense is due to the fact that the trans- 
lator had before him a corrupt Latin original, i cite a single example. In the 
chapter of the Doctrine of Bro. Giles " della oziositatt " {Cesari, 1 73), non 
pone mai pentola vuota al fuoco, sotto la speranza (!!) del tuo vicino, is a 
phrase which makes utter nonsense. In the true Latin text (Acta SS. T. Ill 
Apr. 229) we read ad sepem vicini tut non ponas ollam ad ignem. An old 
translator read " ad spem " ; and after him every one has reproduced the strange 



difficult to extricate oneself. But criticism itself has surprises 
to offer which are not invariably of the unpleasant kind. 
And if we demonstrate that the most prolific of Franciscan 
sources is not original, and cut away from the form of the 
Saint the literary incrustations that have gathered round it, 
we may perhaps succeed, by dint of very patient labour 
in reaching the truth. If we do, we shall find something 
very far removed from the fantastic creation with which 
art has made us familiar — a phantasm that cannot bear the 
weight of serious scientific investigation. 

Our study of Thomas of Celano will, then, subserve the 
double purpose of detecting the all too vivid literary remi- 
niscences with which his biography abounds, and revealing 
the design which is its inspiration — two matters which are 
intimately and psychologically connected with one another. 

Let us penetrate into the biographer's mind ; and when 
the works to which he has recourse are known to us the 
truth will become obvious. If — to give one or two exam- 
ples — Saint Francis had not spent a more than careless 
youth, Thomas would not have been reminded of the conver- 
sion of Saint Augustine. Again when he describes the death 
and apparition of the Saint almost in the exact words of 
Sulpicius Severus, we perceive at once that Thomas has 
transformed himself into a biographer of that Saint Martin 
who appears to Sulpicius "borne up of a white clond" 
simply to recompense him for the trouble of having written 
his Life : so much so that Saint Martin, suspended smiling 
between heaven and earth, displays to Sulpicius the book 
contciining that Life. Further, the thorough acquaintance 
which Thomas shews With the works of Gregory the 
Great serves to explain many enigmas of the Life, and 
perhaps also of the Franciscan Rule ; since the environment 


saturated with dogmatic and theological literature of which 
Thomas is the principal specimen, is precisely that in which 
Saint Francis' activities were manifested. 

The man of God, great in his simplicity, was surrounded 
by those who set themselves to conform his acts and words 
to the correct type of the normal saint. He himself was 
writing his own life, as it were, day by day, as he followed 
the track that was marked out for him to attain to cano- 
nization ; though not without a sigh of regret for the ideal 
which was losing itself in the dark mists of monasticism. 
The group that was guiding the Saint up to that Calvary — 
guiding him without realising his greatness ' — included in 
Thomas of Celano, a man supremely capable of delineating 
his master's likeness as those in high places wished it to 
appear. The companions of Francis, witnesses to the out-^ 
raged truth, even when unable to reconcile themselves to 
the official biography, were forced to make it their starting- 
point. Bro. Leo certainly author of the Life of Egidio^ 
(though not in the precise form in which it has come down 
to us), was perhaps the most effectual verbal redactor of 
the pontifical Legend : and what was gathered from his 
words and what was added to them, was attributed to him — 
with a certain mystery which, on a close scrutiny, recalls 

1 I Vita 54 : Habentes cognoscere non curavimus . . , (I). 

2 Salimbene, 322-3. On the rotuli and the cedulae of Bro. Leo, which 
remind me, as I have remarked above, of the v^^ritings concealed in Archbishop 
Riculfs desk (Hinschius. Deer. Pseudo-Isid. (1863) I, CLXXXIV), see Sabatier, 
Spec. perf. LXXX seqq. and the just scepticism of Delia Giovanna, who applies 
quite other laws than those of the life to the history of the sources : Giornaie 
storico della Lett. it. XXV (1895) 46 seqq. 

For the correction of, and allusions to the First Life of Celano, cfr. Vita 
Aeg. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 224 n. 1 1. " 'Penetrans Mima cordis " is however 
a phrase of Thomas' ; on the episode in I Vita 46, we shall have occasion to 
dwell later on. Cfr. Lemmens, Doc. ant. franc. 1901 I, H seqq. (Scripla 
Fratris Leonis). 


that of the celebrated ecclesiastical forgeries of the IX*^ cen- 
tury. At all events it is evident that Thomas of Celano — 
alike in his truths and in his falsehoods — is part and parcel 
of the Franciscan literary movement : nay, he initiates it 
and sums it up, he dominates it alive and dead. 

So too the Speculum Perfectionis draws from him its 
original matter, even if it deviates purposely from the precise 
signification borne by the words and deeds in the Second 
Life. But instead of wasting time in further dogmatising, 
let us draw closer, and study the First Life, intus et in 
cute with the critical methods already suggested. 

The favourite theme of mediaeval literature is hagiography. 
In the Life of a Saint the writer seeks and finds a way 
to exhibit his fine qualities of artist and believer, and there 
is nothing to prevent him from putting into it whatever he 
likes— sacred or profane, fanciful or real— provided only it 
be not uninteresting. Frequently the real hero in a work 
of hagiography is the author himself, who now conceals 
and now displays himself according to circumstances, con- 
verging on his own person a little of that light which he 
has diffused on the saint whom he is celebrating. But 
this is not all : his own hero must needs be superior to 
the rest ; and therefore reality is helped out by imagination 
to the limit of credibility according to the ideas of the 
time. ' 

Nothing could be more rigidly stereotyped than this kind 
of literature. Its inspirations come straight from the Go- 
spels, because every saint is a pale reflection of Christ, 
The old Acts of the Martyrs, the epic of monachism col- 
lected in the Book of the Vitae Patrum, certain typical 

1 But even then not everything was believed : Sulp. Sev. Dial. 1, 26 ; (CV. 


pages of the ecclesiastical writers most in vogue — Sulpicius 
Severus, Gregory of Tours, Pope Gregory I — each of 
these in turn supplies material, ever old and ever new, 
for the entire hagiography of the Middle Ages. That 
hagiography has its laws, its canons, from which the writer 
never deviates. This is the best explanation of the fact 
that saints are so remarkably like one another. 

Already in his prologue, by the customary promise to 
tell the truth, and the conventional excuses for his own 
unworthiness, Thomas displays his knowledge of the rules 
of the art. ' 

There is another truth which it was incumbent on the 
biographer of Saint Francis to disclose ; and it is a very 
simple matter. From the first moments of the Saint's vo- 
cation to the time of his submission to the Holy See ^ ; 
from the day which was marked by the intervention of 
large numbers of the learned clergy, and the diplomacy 
of Cardinal Ugolino of Ostia, up to the last hours of 
Francis' life — the entire life of the "poverello d'Assisi" 
must be shewn to have been a continuous and unmistake- 
able application in practice of the principles of the Rule 
approved by Honorius III. Francis, to adopt the old 

J Compare the following passages : Vita Pachomii c. 54, Migne LXXIII, 
272: Paulini, Vita s. Ambros. (Op. s. Ambros. Venetiis 1781) VII p. I. Ea 
quae a probatissimis viris . . . didici . . . ; non magis phaleras pompasque verborum, 
quam virtutem . . . spectare conveniat ; Rufini, Hist, mon. Migne XXI, 388 : non 
lam ex stylo laudem requirens ; Widrici, Vita s. Gerhardi (c. a. 974) : rimari 
verborum faleramenta. S. P. Damiani, Vita Odilonis, Op. II, 193, V, s. Ro- 
mualdi 11, 201 ; cfr. Ill, 433, II, 52. Fausti R. Op. CV. N. S. VI, 195 etc. 
etc. Cfr. Caesarii Heist. Praef. Testis est mihi Dominus nee unum quidem ca- 
pitulum, in hoc dialogo, me finxisse etc. An ancient and very remarkable type 
occurs in the Life of Severinus written by Eugippus (II Ed. MG. 1898); and 
in that of Saint Martin {Sulp. Sever. CV., 109 seqq.). 

2 Regula antiqua (The epithet is convenient for the avoiding of all contro- 
versy) c. 1. cfr. Reg, 1223 c. 1 . It is a principle very religiously observed in 
the Order. Salimbene, 1 1 9. 


philosophic phrase, had been the "living Rule"; in the 
Rule there was nothing that had not been found first in 
him. All the characteristics of the last years of that most 
pious existence, (when, as a matter of fact, it had lost its 
early freedom) ; all the events which were believed to 
have followed on his death — all must be expounded as 
willed and thought out by the Saint in his first moments 
of inspiration . . . yes, even to the " confutation of heretical 
depravity", a field open first to the Dominicans and af- 
terwards to the Minorites. ' 

The close and suffocating atmosphere which the monas- 
tic life exhales, miserably ruined as monasticism is by the 
rigour of traditional formality, penetrates into the first, and 
still more into the second of Thomas' biographies. 

None has ever set himself more determinedly than Tho- 
mas o£ Celano to conceal in the obscurity of the cloister 
the form of the man who had such a strong feeling for 
the poetry of the universe ; of the man who — rare example 
indeed in the annals of monasticism ! — would have no 
houses for the brethren; whose mission was to renew the 
world by poverty and love, not to corrupt it by the example 
of idleness and vice. ^ 

All this we shall have occasion to remark as we 
follow the biographer's narrative. 

After an eulogy of Gregory the IX'^ and the cardinals 

1 Salimbene, 35 a. 1233. The Milanese Bro. Leo is described as " magnus 
persecutor haereticorum et confutator el superator ". 

2 Thorn, de Eccleston, in Mon. Germ. Hist. XXVIII, 561. In capitulo 
generali . . . praecepit s. Franciscus destrui domum, que fuerat edificata propter 
capitulum ... a. 1 22 1 . The Speculum, which partly copies the Secunda Vila, 
is of so late a date that its compiler no longer understands the true signification 
of mililes (i. e. the noble classes, as opposed to the populus), and makes them gen- 
darmes or town guard, called in to maintain order during General Chapter. Cfr. 
Cotz, 165. 


who have canonized the Saint, Thomas enters upon his 

Obviously the wild youth of Saint Francis was still 
vividly present to the memory of those who subsequently 
venerated, in the former prodigal, the spouse of evangelical 
Poverty. The biographer is conscious of the difficulty of 
his subject. It was not till later that the so-called " Le- 
gend of Peace " ' (as though facts had the ductility of 
opinions and could be made to accommodate themselves 
to times and men !) should dare calmly to alter the truth. 
Thomas, however, does not lose courage. He has com- 
posed his two first paragraphs with ideas, phrases and 
words that are most indubitably taken from Saint Gregory 
the Great, Juvenal, and Saint Augustine. His first inspi- 
ration comes from the characteristic opening of Gregory's 
Life of Saint Benedict. The sad end of the child accu- 
stomed to blasphemy recorded in the same writer's Dia- 
logues, and the Conversion of Saint Augustine, with a 
sprinkling of classical reminiscences from the Satiric Poet — 
these complete the picture. ^ As it was not open to the 
biographer to be silent or to lie, he was constrained to 
explain and to justify. The saint, he urges, was not to 

1 So says Lemmens, Doc. ant. franc. Spec, perfect. (1901) 1 1, a propos of 
the official Legend of St. Bonaventure. Cfr. Sabatier, Vie, 9. 

2 I Vita 1 : Vir erat etc. Greg. M. Dial. II, 1 Fuit vir etc. I Vita 1 : 
remisse nimis et dissolute filios suos studeant educare. Dial. IV, 18: nim/s car- 
naliter diiigens, remisse nutriebat. The ref. in the Dialogues is found also in 
Jacques de Vitry, Exempla N. 294. The typical ' rake ' is also described in 
Boeth. De discipl. schol. (Basil. 1570) 1279; c. 2: Qui discurrit per vicos et 
tahernas etc. The verses of Juvenal to which Celano alludes are to be found in 
Sat. XIV 3 seqq. cfr. v. 38 . . . ne crimina nostra sequantur (Tom. a pueritia 
nos omnia mala sequantur). The pjissage of S. Augustine (Confess. II, 3 ; CV. 
XXXIII, 34) is as follows ; ego ne vituperarer, vitiosor fiebam, et ubi nan sub- 
erat, quo admisso aequarer perditis, fingebam me fecisse quod non feceram, ne 
viderer abiectior, quo eram innocentior, et ne vilior haberer, quo eram castior. 
Ecce cum quibus comitibus iter agcbam platearum Bab^loniae et volutabar in 


blame for his own unfortunate bringing-up ; it was the Age 
that was responsible, with its degenerate traditions of child- 
nurture. In other words, Francis was the offspring of the 
century in which he saw the light ; though no small pro- 
portion of his faults are to be laid at the door of the 
father who was utterly careless about the Christian edu- 
cation of his son. The rest of the narrative represents the 
logical development of the profound antagonism between 
father and son, which finds its climax in the dramatic 
ceremony before the bishop of Assisi. 

From the wordly life of the Italian youth, ' gay and 
reckless as that of the hrigata spendereccia of Siena, Tho- 
mas leads Francis on to the critical moment of his con- 
version, drawing his inspiration once more from Saint Au- 
gustine. Augustine is converted by a book, Francis by 
an unnamed friend ; and the Augustinian phraseology again 
peeps out from the biographer's mosaic ^ ; but the grotto 
and the friend that turn the Saint's footsteps to the path 
of the "vita evangelica" — to sell all he has and give all 
to the poor — these savour of heresy. 

The enthusiasm that burst forth in the description of 

caeno. Compare with this I Vita 1 : Simulant miseri plerumque se nequiora 
fecisse quam fecerint, ne videantur abiecliores, quo innocenliores existunt . . . Iter 
agens per medium platearum Babyloniae etc. 

On the evil of youthful corruption Qreg. M. Moral. XV in c. 20 Job. 
For the " vitiata radix", see 5. P. Dam. Op. II, 21. 

1 Buoncompagni, Cedrus, in Quellen zur bay. und deutsch. Geschichte IX, 
1 863 ; 1 22 : Fiunt etiam in multis partibus ytalie quedam iuvenum societates etc. 
Even that of the " Round Table " is not wanting. 

2 Vita 3 : Sicque diu infirmatus - cum - paululum respirasset - sed pulchri- 
ludo agrorum vinearum amoenitas, et quicquid visu pulchrum est, in nuUo enim 
potuit delectare - coepit se ipsum vilescere sihi ; Confess. V, 9 ( 1 03) : et ecce 
excipior ibi flagello aegritudinis - Confess. IV, 7 (73) : non in amoenis nemo- 
ribus, non in ludis atque cantibus etc. Horrebant omnia ; III, 4 (48) : ille vero 
liber mutavit affectum meum - "Oiluit mihi repente omnis vana spes etc. 


that most beauteous bride, evangelical Poverty ' seems to 
me to have some relationship with the splendid dream of 
Joannes Eleemosinarius, ' whose Life, translated into Latin, 
was considerably diffused in the Middle Ages. 

Strange that the fervqur of Saint Francis should have 
had, according to Thomas, so peculiar a way of expressing 
itself ! The Saint, newly recruited into Christ's army, enters 
into the ruined church of Saint Damian, and devoutly kisses 
the ' sacred ' hands of the poor priest, offering him such 
money as he has with him. Already we begin to discern 
the outlines of the thesis which will shortly come before 
us in more clear and definite form. 

Meanwhile Thomas does not forget his authorities for 
a moment : the tumult and anxiety of mind that are the 
normal accompaniments of contrition, are described in a 
clever paraphrase of a passage from Saint Gregory. ' 

More attention is due to that culminating point in Francis' 
life where he breaks off, once for all from his family and 
from the world : I mean the scene that is enacted in the 
presence of Guido, bishop of Assisi. Here Thomas' nar- 
rative is not over-consistent, with regard to the jurisdiction 
of the bishop of Assisi ; for that prelate had not the double 

1 1 Vita 7. - Jordanus {%)oigt, 516, c. I) says that Francis at first lived 
habitu heremitico (a. 1207 ?). 

2 Vita Joannis Eleem. c. 7 ; Migne LXXIII, 345 : Video una noctium, in 
somnis, puellam quamdam, cuius species supra solem splendebat - aestimavi esse 
mulierem . . . Ego sum prima filiarum Regis . . . Compassio ac Eleemosyjna. 

3 Vita 6 : — corde quiescere non valebat. Cogilationes variae sibi invicem 
succedebant, et ipsarum importunitas eum duriter perturbabat. 5. Greg. M. Moral. 
IV in c. 3 Job. n. 32 : Cum enim ad mentem male gesta poenitendo reducimus, 
gravi moerore confundimur, perstrepit in animo turba cogitationum, moeror con- 
tent, anxietas devastat, in aerumnas mens vertitur. - The phrase of Celano (16): 
ardebat intus igne divino ; et conceptum ardorem mentis celare de forii non Va- 
lebat. recalls the identical words of St. Bernard, Sermo LXVII (T. 11, 781): 
Sic flagrans ac vehemens amor, praesertim divinus, cum se intra cohibere non 
valet, non attendit quo ordine, qua lege, quave serie, seu paucitate verborum ebulliat. 


power, spiritual and temporal, such as belonged, for in- 
stance, to the see of Fermo. ' And Francis, and although 
he proposed to take up the life of a hermit, was still in 
lay communion : and not only so, but he did not belong 
to any Rule. In a case that is in some ways analogous, 
but more serious than this inasmuch as the Order had 
already been constituted, Salimbene's father applies directly 
to the imperial authority for a rescript when he desires 
to recover his son who has been received by the Mino- 
rites. ^ But Bernardone had no need at all to call in the 
bishop's intervention ; so much so that the so-called " Le- 
gend of the Three Companions", taking up the argument 
much later, makes the father bring an action against his 
son, guilty of having carried off the money from his house, 
before the consuls ; and it is the consuls who summon 
Francis. And only when the son pleads that he is al- 
ready a Servant of God, is Bernardone obliged to renew 
his plaint before the bishop. ^ Since, therefore, the said 
"Legend" is undoubtedly derived from sources more re- 
cent even than that of Saint Bonaventure, '^ one is tempted 
to see in this more diffused narrative an attempt to explain 
the fact — in itself irregular from the legal point of view — 
of the action before the bishop. Even those who have 
made no special study of the history of Law are aware 
that, in the matter of jurisdiction, the Italian Communes 
made an extraordinarily vigorous stand against ecclesiastical 
pretensions ^ ; and the relations of Assisi with the Papacy 

1 II Reg. No. 2657. Inn. III. 

2 Salimbene, 10-12. 

3 Leg. trium sociorum (ed. Faloct-Pulignani 1898) 19 (39). 

4 Ortro\>. 1. c. Gotz 140 seqq. Minocchi. in Arch. Star. It. 1899:281. 

5 Salvemini, Studi storici (1901); 42 seqq. Cfr. PiVano, Stato e Chiesa 
negli Stat. com. italiani (1904); 17-8. 



make it far from improbable that, even in 1 205 — but a 
short time before the date of the conversion — the city may 
have been devoted to the cause of Philip of Sw^abia. ' 

It is possible that the bishop may have taken some part 
in the events which decided the Saint's vocation ; but an 
intervention of the kind of which Thomas speaks raises 
more than one doubtful question. The biographer, with 
his intimate knowledge of ecclesiastical institutions, is aware 
that the subject of the first chapter is 'conversion'. ^ And 
conversion without the canonical element would have pre- 
sented a strange and unusual appearance, and one out of 
harmony with all that was to follow. ^ In the church of 
Saint Damian, Francis takes his first step, towards the poor 
priest whose hands he kisses ; before the bishop Guido, 
he takes the second and more decisive step — towards his 
new life. 

One is almost sorry to destroy the historical reality of 
a scene which has inspired so many artistic pages ; but 
truth, also, has its rights, and they are stronger than those 
of beauty. 

Francis flees from home in order to free himself from 
carnal subjection to his father ; he takes with him money, 
which is the most precious symbol of wordly things. Father 
and money alike he renounces. ^ All this— what is it but 
the solemn abrenuntiatio of the novice ? 

' Bohmer. Reg. imp. 1892-4; V, 1791. 

2 Caes. I, 1 seqq. Cfr. loh. Cassiani. Conlationes mon. CV. XIII, 73 ; 
III, 6 seqq. 

3 So St. Dominic is received by the Bishop of Osma with hit Canons : 
Que/r/et Echatd, SS. Ord. Praed. Lut. Paris. (1719); lordan. c. 6 ; I, 3. 

4 Cassian. Op. c. Ill, 6 e 7 : De duobus enim patribus, id est sive de illo 
qui deserendus, sive de eo qui expetendus est . . . de domo prioris nostri parentis 
egressi, quern ab exordio nativitatis nostrae, secundum veterem hominem, quando 
eramus filii irae {Paul. Eph. II, 3) etc. 



Francis takes off his garments, casts them away, restores 
tliem to his father, and the bishop covers him with his 
own mantle and embraces him. ' I translate from the 
"Lives of the Fathers"^ and from the "Monastic Insti- 
tutions" of Cassian-^ the two passages that follow. "A 
young man desired to renounce the world, but was sur- 
rounded by demons ; with all possible speed he undresses 
himself, casts away his garments and runs naked to the 
monastery, God commands the abbot : 'Arise and receive 
my champion who comes to thee' ". 

"Whosoever is received divests himself of all that he 
heretofore possessed, and he is not permitted to retain 
even the garment wherewith he is clad. The novice 
advances among the monks who gather round him ; he 
divests himself of his clothes and receives in turn those of 
the monastery by the hand of the abbot". 

In the rest of the passage Cassian is careful to supply 
an interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the ceremony : 
noverit etiam, omni fastu deposito mundiali, ad Christi 
paupertatem descendisse, which the rhetorician of Celano 
sums up in the phrase : depositis omnibus, quae sunt mundi, 
solius divinae iustitiae memoratur. 

In place of the abbot we have the bishop, who opens 
his arms to receive a naked Francis, and covers him with 
his own robe, which is thus the first Franciscan habit. 
The Order, brought into being by the inspiration of the 
Poor Man of Assisi, takes refuge, at the moment of its 

1 I Vita 12-15. 

2 Migne. LXXIII, 772. 

3 Inst, coenob. CV. N. S. II; IV, 5 (50-1). St. Guido in like manner, 
distractis vestibus pretiosis, quibus indui solebat, pretioque earum pauperibus dato, 
pannosus ac nudus, clam Ravenna egressus, Romam rudis peregrinus tendit, ibique 
clericatu susceplo etc. Acta SS. Ill Mart. 902. 




l)irth, beneath an episcopal mantle. It is the Church, kind 
and pious Mother, that welcomes the future father of the 
Minorites ; it is the Church that consecrates and gives 
lirst aid to the designs of Francis. 

That bishop of Assisi who kept so sharp an eye upon 
the man of God, ' even at Rome, was verily gifted with 
i. marvellous power o^ clairvoyance ! Here we see Tho- 
iias' design coming out clearly in all its delicate lines. 
The decisive moment for Francis, as it appeeurs in the 
(fficial biography, is inspired by what is simply the signi- 
f cant introduction of a monastic ceremony ; and has no- 
liing historical about it. If any one still hesitates to give 
"homas the name he deserves, he will shortly see that 
criticism has quite other points to note. 

No sooner is Francis loosed from the bishop's embrace 
tian he is encircled at once with the aureole of sainthood, 
2 radiance which shall have something also of the red 
glow of martyrdom. His first encounter with robbers in 
t le forest, as he is singing the praises of the Lord in the 
I rench tongue, ^ is destined to play a remarkable part in 
legendary lore, and to become an essential element in all 
t le stories of the saints. 

1 I Vita 32. The grudge between the Regular a secular clergy is one of 
od standing: 5. P. Dam. Ill, 261 seqq. and the conflict is renewed in later 
d lys ; Salimbene, 2 1 0. 

2 On the familiarity with the French tongue which Francis seems to have 
p )ssessed, see the full and excellent passage in "Delia Giooanna, 1. c. 8-26. The 
p esent writer is haunted hy a lingering doubt that the French language was spe- 
c illy known to Francis not only on account of his father's relations with France, 
b it also because of those which subsisted between our Italian heretics and their 
F ench brethren, as is suggested by the fact of the Congress of Bergamo in 1218 
(; ;e Tocco, 1 83). And international language, (which must have been French), 
V as certainly used in the watch-words that served for mutual recognition among 
tl e heretics of the north and those of the south of the Alps ; Math. Paris, in 
^ on. Germ. Hist. SS. XXVHl, 231 e Thes. cit. V, 1794; Schonhach, 
Stzungsb. CXLVII. 121. 


To the robbers who question him Francis replies : 
" Praeco sum magni Regis; quid ad vos ?" ' The an- 
swer is suggested by the mission which the biographer 
immediately assigns to his hero ; the office of herald be- 
longs, in fact to those "Shepherds of souls who go before 
and announce the advent of the severe Judge". But 
the robbers make sport of him, and following up mockery 
with blows, cast him into a ditch full of snow. Extricating 
himself from the ditch Francis at once goes on serenely 
with his singing, taking up the hymn to God at the point 
where it was interrupted by the encounter. He wanders 
about for days clad in his shirt alone, and from the rather 
meagre hospitality of certain monks obtains shelter for a 
short time, and a scanty diet of broth as a servitor^ in 
the monastery kitchen. In the little picture one discerns 
suggested in foreshortening, an instance of the avarice 
which prevailed in the cloisters of the day : the kitchen 
is always the humblest place, even in a monastery.'* 

But there is far more than that. Francis is mocked 
by the robbers, as was Jesus by the two that were cru- 
cified with him,'' one of whom however, recognising his 
Redeemer, was subsequently converted and saved. ^ 

Even so Saint Martin stands up undaunted before the 
robber who threatens him with an uplifted axe, troubled 

1 I Vita 16. 

2 Greg. M. Moral. XXII in c. 31 Job, n. 53 : Quid ad haec nes pastores 
dicimus, qui adventum districti judicis praecurrentes, officium quidem praeconis 
suscipimus . . . ? 

3 Qarcio, in the sense of waiter or servitor cfr. the ' ragazzo ' of Dante, Inf. 
XXIX. 77. 

4 Fior. ed. Cesari Verona (1822) No. 12 ; Actus B. Francisci (ed. Sabatier) 
No. 12 & Vita fr. Mass. in Anadeta franc. Ill, 115-6; cfr. Migne. XVIII, 
949, 951, 984. For the avarice of the Frati : Caes. IV, 68, 72. 

5 Math. XXVII, 44; Marc. XV. 27. 

6 Luc. XXIII, 32, 39-45. 



only by the thought of the damnation of the latro, who 
is very speedily converted. ' And a similar incident occurs 
in the Life of Saint Hilarion, written by Saint Jerome, 
and in other chapters of the " Lives of the Fathers "/ 
Hermits are invariably successful in evoking remorse from 
the hearts of robbers, who then become (we need hardly 
say it!) perfect "Frati". Saint Martin, again, is beaten 
till his blood flows by the officials of the treasury, who 
may well be compared to brigands : he offers his back to 
their scourges, and finally falls to the ground as one dead. ^ 
The idea which emerges out of the legend is that meekness 
is the speediest way to change the life of reprobates. '^ 
In the narrative of Gregory I we are shewn the picture 
of Isaac the servant of God who when robbers assail his 
poor little garden, offers to give them with his own hands 
all that they want, thus demonstrating the harm and use- 
lessness of evil-doing ^ ; while the monk Libertinus when 
his ass is stolen hands over the whip also to the thieves, 
that they may have qualiter hoc iumentum minare.^ 

From the mere sketch of the robber incident in the 
First Life the later Franciscan legend, enriched with learned 
and more striking reminiscences, draws out finally the story 

1 Sulp. Sev. V. Mart. c. 5; CV. 116. 

2 V. S. Hilar, c. 12 (Op. Ver. 1735 II, 17. 18). Migne, LXXIII. 934. 
?74. Macarius helps the robber ad carricandum the things he has stolen ; another 
taint runs and fetches for the thief a sack that has been overlooked ; ib. 793. 
Cfr, Venant. Fortun. in MG. SS. antiquiss. IV. 2; 59 (Vita S. Amant.). 

3 Sulp. Sever. Dial. I (II, 3); CV. 183. 

4 Migne. XXI, 415. 416. 421. 

5 Dial. Ill, 1 4 : Nolite malum facere, sed quoties de horto aliquid vultis, ad 
borti aditum venite. tranquille petite, cum benedictione percipite, et a furti pravi- 
Mte cessate. Quos statim, collectis oleribus, onustari fecit. - No one can deny 
to the story that " Franciscan savour " which has so often led astray those who 
io not look beyond the Saint of Assisi — or rather beyond those who have been 
pleased to honour him with these miracles. 

6 Dial. I. 2. 


which we read in the Speculum Perfectionis, ' in the 
Actus ^. Francisci et Sociorum eius ^ and in the Fioretti.^ 
As it stands (except for the vision of the converted robber, 
which comes from other sources)'* the charming page which 
has been called by Sabatier a commentary on the seventh 
chapter of the Old Rule, repeated in poetical language 
in the fascinating story of the Wolf of Gubbio, ^ is due 
not to the pen of Bro. Leo, but to that of Jacques de 
Vitry. ^ Sabatier is mistaken as regards the moral inter- 
pretation of the narrative. It is not a question merely of 
giving a practical example of the Rule : ** Quicumque ad 
eos venerint, amicus Vel adversarius, FUR vel LATRO, be- 
nigne rtcipiatur" , but rather an attempt to prove that the 
conversion of sinners is effected more easily by gentleness 
than by severity. The head-line in the chapter of the 
Speculum is most exact. When we compare the words 
of Jacques de Vitry with the two Franciscan narratives, 
we are forced to admit that the figure of the abbot who 
boldly faces the wicked robber is much more vivid and 
striking than that of Francis ; while the variants of the 
Actus and the Speculum taken together demonstrate in- 

1 Ed. Sabatier, (1898) 126 No. 66. 

2 Ed. Sahalier. (1902) 97 No. 29. 

3 Ed. Cesari, No. 26. 

4 The bridge under which flows the infernal river is in the vision of the 
soldier : Greg. M. Dial. IV, 36 ; The v«ngs sprouting on the Frate 's shoulders 
are recorded in the vision of the hermit John : Migne, LXXIII, 983 (V, 1 7) : 
Et facta est vox ad eos ex alia parte litoris, dicens : accipite alas igneas et venite 
ad me. Et duo quidem ex eis acceperunt alas et volaverunt ad aliud litus, unde 
facta est vox. Tertius vero remansit et flebat et clamabat fortiter. Postea vero 
datae sunt sibi alae sad non igneae, sed infirmae, et debiles, etc. For the visio 
Pauli, read the note in Novati, Altraverso il medio evo, 1 905 ; 98-99. 

5 This story as we shall see in the Appendix No. Ill has another— which 
is the primary — signification. 

<^ Exempl. (ed. Crane) No. 68 (29-30) ; For the further diffusion of the 
legend, see the notes of Crane, 164-5, which are not, however, always complete. 


disputably the derivation of these two from the "Example" 
of the French prelate. ' 

From the robbers Thomas passes on to lepers. The 
loving Saint, pattern of humility, sets himself to minister to 
these poor sufferers and to wash their sores with every 
token of pity. And he makes mention of them also in 
his Testament. ^ 

These unfortunates have left in the memorials of the 
time more than one trace of their incomparable wretched- 
ness. On the one hand there is the pitiless harshness of 
the human — or rather inhuman — laws ^ ; on the other, a 
compassion that lifts itself up to sublime heights in a triumph 
of sympathetic service. Jesus, who is Sorrow personified, 
transforms himself into the victim of this horrible malady ; 
whoso ministers to the leper, ministers to Christ "" ; and 
whosoever would walk in the path of sainthood, will find 
in the leper's company his safest guide. 

Amid the general shuddering. Saint Martin kisses and 
blesses a leper whose face is horribly eaten away. ^ If 
the vile world flies from infection,^ charity defies it. 

• Exempl. No. 68. In the Appendix are reprinted the three narratives ac- 
cordings to the text of Jacques de Vitry, of the Actus and of the Speculum. 

2 1 Vita 17, 103. 

3 Lev. XIII. 44 : Edict, regis Roth. c. 1 76 ; Capitol, a. 789 etc. 'Perlile, 
Storia del dir. it., II Ediz. Ill, 259. 

For the period of the Communes two representative references v^ill suffice : the 
ancient statutes of Padua (ed. Gloria, No. 479), and those of Pisa (ed. Bonaini, 
I 37). Even the church gives lepers a wide berth : Stat. a. 1 204, in Martene 
et Durand. Nov. Thes. IV, 12.99. Cone. Lat. Ill: Mansi. XXII, 330c. 23. 

4 Caes. VIII, 29 seqq. {Strange II, 104 seqq.). Jacques de "Oitr^, Exem- 
pla No. 94. 95. Vita S. Bern. Clar. II, 5. 3. 

5 Sulp. Set). Vita Mart. c. 18; CV. 127. 

6 They themselves constitute the persona juridica of the asylums which take 
them in: cfr.. e. g., Mittarelli, Ann. Camald. IV. 167 No. 98 a. 11 88 icon- 
cession of lands vobis - vestrisque successoribus lepre morbo laborantibus. This 
is a fact, rather than a juridical conception. Gierke, Das deutsche Genossen- 

* schaftsrecht. 111, 168 seqq. 


The heroes of pity bring the sole ray of love to these 
poor sufferers. Saint Francis must not absent himself from 
that banquet of grace. Jesus also meets and heals the 
leper, and the water of Jordan itself washes away sin and 
infirmity ' — that sickness of the soul of which leprosy is 
a figure. ^ 

In the Franciscan Legend, as may be easily imagined, 
the figure of the leper is drawn with powerful touches ^ ; 
but in other narratives the spectacle of pity for those suf- 
ferers had already been painted in still stronger colours. 
A French bishop is pulled up on a journey by a leper 
who pleads for pity. The holy prelate leaps from his 
horse and gives the poor creature an alms. But the leper, 
whose malady had deprived him of even the appearance 
of a man, refuses the alms, as too common a gift, and 
displaying carunculam de narihus pendentem, magni hor- 
roris atque foetoris, requests the bishop^and not in vain — 
nihil aliud praeter linctionem linguae tuae. The leper 
was Jesus. '^ In the Actus and the Fioretti pity has already 
assumed the proportions of a miracle.^ The leper desires 

1 Greg. Tur. In gloria martyrum c. 18; MG. Hist. SS. merov. 1, 499. 
Vila S. Radeg. ib. Auct. antiquiss. IV, 2 ; Venant. Foriun. 43. 

2 Heresy and sin : Qreg. M. Moral. Ill in c. 4 Job ; No. 58 ; Beda, in 
Migne, XClll, 390-1 (Spuria); Jacq. de "Oitry, No. 259 : leprosis id est demo- 
nibus. S. P. Dam. Op. 1, 32; Sermo 14. 

3 I^ do not find quite clear on this subject, the words of Boumel, St. Fran- 
cois. Etude sociale et m^dicale 1893, 67 seqq. Le rencontre d' un lepreux, 
aux environs d' Assise, fut V hegire du fils de Bernardone et de Pica, le mo- 
ment oil sa destinee se noua. 

4 Caes. Vlll, 29 : Tanta humilitas est in Christo, ut aliquando sub figuris 
infirmorum, aliquando quod amplius est, species leprosorum assumens, nobis appareat. 
The story of the bishop is in Vlll, 33 (Strange, 11, 105). In the Vitae Patrum 
(Migne, LXXUl, 978 : V, 1 7) A Frate sips the purulent matter that flows from 
the flesh of a wounded man ; the same thing is repeated by Caesarius, with cer- 
tain modifications, (IV, 6). And these are not the only passages. 

5 Actus No. 28 ; Fioretti No. 25. The humble Frate who washes the poor 
is of frequent occurrence : Caes. VI, 9. There may be in the narrative of the 

CHAPTER 11 75 

to be cured by the Saint alone, and from the Saint he 
is to obtain healing both of body and of soul. But the 
origin of Thomas' narrative is both plain and clear. 

Our biographer, apparently forgetful of what he said 
before, goes on to relate that Francis, as soon as he was 
freed from the power of his father, gave his immediate 
attention to his first work, viz : the restoration of the an- 
cient church of God. He was not called to dig up its 
foundations, but to rebuild the fabric upon them. ' Igno- 
rant though he was' he knew well that it was the pre- 
rogative of Christ himself to build the new church. In 
the restoration of the church of Saint Damian is symbol- 
ised the orthodox spirit of the Saint's mission ' ; but the 
biographer's continual insistence on the theme demonstrates 
that he realised the possibility of another interpretation^of 
Franciscan thought in the catholic world. In this same 
chapter is recorded the institution of the Order of Clarisse, 
that is "Poor Women" :^ and since the male Rule is 
the type on which the female is modelled, we may remark 
in passing — without repeating the studies of Karl Miiller 
on the primitive Rules of the Order ^ — ^that the name 
" Poor ' as applied to these women presupposes the exis- 

Fioretti a reminiscence of Hist. Lausiaca c. 26 {Migne, LXXIII, 1 123-5), where 
Eulogius carries home a poor mutilated fellow whom no one is willing to succour. 
By way of shewing his thanks the victim becomes unbearable, being victim of 
diabolical possession. Saint Anthony cures him. 

Sabatier would bid us compare in the Franciscan Legend, the commentary 
on chap. X of the Rule, exhorting the sick to shew patience. 

1 1 Vita d8. 

2 I regard Celano's authorship of the Life of St. Clare as doubtful. (Acta 
SS. Aug. T. II, 754 seqq). Golz, 240 seqq. ; But with this point we shall deal 
later on. 

3 Anfange, 14 seqq. 184 seqq. Sabatier, Vie, 114, 133; Giitz, 41 and 
passim. For the name " Clarissae " : Regesti dei card. Ugolino d' Ostia e Ot- 
taviano d. Ubald. (1890) 153-4 No. 125 a. 12; e Lempp, in Zeitschr. f. Kir- 
chengesch. Xlll 1902. 181 seqq. 


tence of an Order of brethren similarly denominated. 
The " Poor Men of Lyons " and their connexion with the 
heretical movement come immediately into one's mind. 

And now Francis appears in his true light. The simple 
man who, according to his biographer, must seek an expla- 
nation of the principles of the evangelical life from a priest 
(who, as a matter of fact, probably followed the comfortable 
precepts of the class to which he belonged) reveals himself 
in his true greatness. It is his word, living, hot, persuasive, 
that moves hearts and shakes the corrupt Church. It is the 
eloquence of Christianity, inspired by a feeling of tenderness 
and pity that comes direct from Jesus. ' The official Church 
had in its bosom bishops who, in life and death, made a 
mock of the means of grace granted by Christ to his believ- 
ers. ^ The poor sinner approached the confessional armed 
with a knife, intending to kill herself if an impure confessor 
should constrain her to sin as was the custom of the priests.^ 

What had such priests to suggest to Francis ? 

For his eulogy of the Saint '^ — pure, crystal spring that 
falls swiftly from alpine summit to flowery meads— Thomas 
has recourse to the store-house of his excellent memory. 
True, he is not invariably happy in the choice of his 
phrases ; but rhetoric does not prevent us from getting at 
the truth. ^ The eloquence of Francis, irresistible in its 

1 I Vita, 23, 36, 56, 62, 72, 73. 74, 75, 83, 97. 

2 Salimbene, 30, 289 ; William, bishop of Reggio : Male ordinavit facta 
animae suae . . . pauperibus clausit viscera pietatis. 

3 Salimbene, 212. 

4 Enthusiastic testimony to Francis' eloquence is to be found in the following 
writers: Thomae, archidiac. Spal. MG. SS. XIX, 560: Sigonii, Op. Ill (Mediol. 
1 732) 432. Jacques de Vitry, in Sabatier, Spec. Perfect. 30. Tb. a Cel. II 
Vila, 111, 50 R. 59. Felder, 43 seqq. The Friars used to hold up to ridicule 
the old-fashioned type of preacher : Salimbene, 35 1 . 

5 G)mpare the following: I Vita 23 and Greg. M. Moral. XXX in c. Job; 
n. 6 ; in Ezech. Horn. 1. 3 No. 5 ; 5. Bern. Sermo 29 ; Op. 11, 686 ; 5. P. 


sweetness, innocent of scholastic rules, is the primary cause 
of his success. But we know where that eloquence came 
from. The Legend magnifies still more ardently the Saint's 
gift of speech. What we read in the Actus and the 
Fioretli concerning the miracle of Rieti is a graceful ex- 
pansion of two older stories. At Rieti the covetous priest 
complains that his vineyard has been wasted and despoiled 
by the crowd that flocks to hear Francis' preaching ; and 
by a miracle he makes more wine than ever before with 
the few grapes that are left. One part of the narrative 
is taken from the Dialogues of Gregory the Great ; another 
was perhaps inspired by the legend of the " Lives of the 
Fathers", where from the tongue of Ephrem springs a 
vine, and all the birds of the air eat of its fruit. ' Tho- 
mas, however, mindful of the times in which he lived, is 
very cautious. Most prudent of biographers, he notes that 
when the Saint preached he was duly provided with the 
apostolic permission : and that, not content with proclaiming 
peace among angry folk who knew not concord, ^ he took 
pains also to confute the errors of " heretical depravity ". "^ 

Damiani, V. Rom. c. 23. Op. 11, 221. But Thomas is not to be forgiven 
for having repeated as an eulogy of the Saint (1 Vita 97) the words of the De 
Vitis Patrum (Migne, LXXlll 995) : ut putaretur omne corpus ipsius lingua esse, 
which refer in the original to a chatterbox ! 1 Vita 56 : terram-verbi vomere scin- 
dens, is identical with Creg. M. XXll, in c. 3 1 Job ; n. 51. 

1 Actus No. 21 ; Fioretti No. 19. Dial. I, 9: there, however, the vine- 
yard is ruined by hail. Here is an example : E il prete raccoglie quelli colali 
racimoli e melteli nel lino, e pigia. Dial. cit. Tunc oir "Dei vineam ingressus, 
racemos collegit ad calcatorium detulit - et calcare ipsos rarissimos fecit. Actus : 
ilia pauca grana uoarum recolligens et in consueto torculari reponens - viginti 
salmas vini optimi - recollegit. Vita Ephr. c. 1 ; Migne, LXXlll, 980 (V, 1 7 
No. 6). Cfr. Greg. M. in Ezech. Hom. 1, 6, No. 4 : Aliter namque olet flos 
uvae, quia magna est virtus et opinio praedicatorum, quae debriant mentes au- 

2 Sutter, Johann, v. Vicenza, und die ital. Fridensbewegung, im Jahre 1 233 
(1891). 1 seqq. 

3 1 Vita 36, 72, 75. 


Did he 7 It is true that the confutation and persecution 
of heretics was entrusted to the Franciscans when the 
Order had attained a certain degree of culture ; but ori- 
ginally they had rather shunned and avoided learning. ' 
We know that the only people competent to enter into 
discussion with the heretics were the "preachers" or 
"lecturers" as we should call them today, endowed with 
wide and solid theological learning. ^ The Man of Assisi 
described by Thomas again and again as "simple and ig- 
norant" would have found a serious obstacle to his natural 
eloquence in the snares of theological subtleties. Francis, 
without knowing it, was in agreement with Saint Augustine 
in the belief that all human knowledge is summed up in 
the single precept of love. ^ If, as the facts make certain, 
the Saint's oratorical fire was kindled and kept burning by 
more than one breath of heretical tendency ; surely the 
man who had thus shorn heterodox zeal of its combative 
asperity, would not be the one to wrest the simple Gospel 
word to polemical purposes, turning it against the humble 
on behalf of orthodoxy and the primacy of Rome ? 

Thomas proceeds with his narrative ; and now the legend 
of Francis approximates still more closely to that of Jesus. 
Simple spirits come to the Saint, and, after Bernard, that 
candid Giles who is to live again in the piquant memories 
of Bro. Leo, and the rest, up to the number of eight. 
Then the Socii are sent forth two by two, after the Go- 
spel rule, to spread the divine word throughout the world.'* 
The first waves of the great tide of the converted, rich 

' Vita B. Aegidii, in Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 232 : Cur vis ire ad scholas ? 
Summa totius scientiae est timere et amare Deum. 

2 Jacques de Vitry, Exetnpla No. 26; Chartli. Paris. 1 No. 25; a. 1217. 

3 Ep. CXXXVll. 5. 8 (Op. ed. Venet. 1 729 ; 11. 409). 

4 1 Vita 29-31. 


and poor, learned and ignorant, have reached the quiet 
refuge of Assisi. ' 

Like those who preceded him in the preaching of peace 
and love and in his popular successes, ^ Francis had no 
intention of tying up in the wretched bonds of an Order 
that movement which was designed to spread over the 
whole world. ^ His " plantatio" grows luxuriantly in the 
sunshine ; it is no hot-house plant. The Rules which 
slightly precede his or are contemporaneous with it — with 
the exception of that which is extracted from the recan- 
tation of Durand and Bernard — exhibit the persistence of 
the unenviable characteristics of monasticism : moral per- 
fection is associated with fastings, watchings and cruel 
scourgings which take the place of a martyrdom not always 
accessible to the devotee. ^ But this Rule is written by 
Jesus, and Jesus imposes it on all nations. ^ Now and 
again, in passages which seem like flames escaping from 
beneath a heap of ashes, the poor man of Assisi appears 
in his true light — as he really is. He pulls down the 
great house erected for the Brethren who assemble for the 

1 1 Vita 31, 37, 56. 57, 62. 

2 Math. Paris, in Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. XXVIU, 115 a. 1197. The 
tone of the discourses, in no way different from that of modern socialist oratory, 
recurs also in Jacques dt "Oilry (No. 136-137) Rog. Bacon. MG. cit. 573: 
Math. P. ib. 431. In Italy Omobono of Cremona, who was canonised in 1 199, 
had preached super pace reformanda . Inn. Ill in Bull. Taur. HI, 139 No. 18. 
ELarlier examples in Germany : Gerhard. Vita s. Ouldarici : Mon. Germ. Hist. 
SS. IV, 396. On Tomaso Cantiprantano : Frauenstddt, Blutrache und Todsch- 
lagsuhne im Deutsch. , Mittelalt. 1 86 1 , 11-21. 

3 Renan, Nouv. Etudes d' hist, relig. 1884; 334; Reuter, Gesch. der reli- 
giose Auferklarung im M. A. 1877; U, 185, 188. Muller, Anfange 33 seqq. 
Bonghi, Franc, d' Assisi 34 etc. 

4 Cfr. S. 'P. Dam. Ep, VI, 27. 1, 108; Caes. 1, 22. Types of reformed 
Rules; Inn. Ill, in Bull. Taur. Ill No. 17, 41, 47, etc. a. 1198-1205. 

5 On the obligation of evangelic poverty, see S August. Ep. CLVll, 4, 24 ; 
Op. 11, 553 ; But we shall return to the subject by another route. 


general chapter at Assisi ; ' and he does not hide his 
aversion for the must famous of the existing Rules. ^ 

The Order of the Cistercians regarded the practice of 
mendicare ostiatim as degrading ; ^ and the manual labour 
imposed by the old Benedictine Rule"* had given place 
to a habit of idleness rendered possible by the blessed 
possession of wealth.^ The ideal of poverty, without which 
nothing remained of Monachism but the name, lived on 
exclusively in the old stories as a vague memory. ^' Strange 
indeed was the contrast between the origins of primitive 
monasticism and the actual conditions of the monasteries 
of that age ! Within a few yards of Assisi itself, mona- 
sticism, though already in decay, was yielding up very 
grudgingly its sovereign rights to the Communes. ' 

No sooner had Francis put himself at the head of the 
movement, which was only waiting for the man, to shew 
itself in all its greatness, than the old ideals that had been 
smothered up in incredible stories, seemed to revive and 

1 Tom. de Eccl. in Mon. Germ. Hist. XXVlll. 562. Spec. pert. c. 6 (16-6); 
11 Vita. Ill, 3 R. 37. 

2 Spec. perf. c. 68. 

3 Stat. Ord. Cisterc. a. 1207, in Martene et Durand, Novus Thes. IV. 
c. 7. 1732. 

4 Reg. Benedict! ed. Wolfflm (Teubner 1895): 48, 66. Casiian. Inst. Coe- 
nob. VI, 3 ; CV. 49 e X ; 1 73 seqq. De vitis Patr., Migne, LXXlll. 924, 
942 cfr. 789 seqq. 

5 When a certain man craved to be admitted to the cloister, " Monachi vero 
gavisi sunt, eo quod esset dives "(!) : Jacques de 'Oitry, ELxempla No. 221. 

6 Migne, LXXlll, 781 ; cfr. ib. 284 V. Abrahae c. 3. Super terram nihil 
aliud p)ossidebat, excepto uno sago, unaque... tunica cilicina. V. S. Pachom. ib. 
237 c. II: continuo distribuebant egentibus atque iuxta praeceptum Domini - de 
crastino minime cogitarent ; ib. 890 : Dixit abbas : Thesaurus monachi et volun- 
taria paupertas. - Greg. M. Dial. 1, 9 ; 111, 1 4 : Monachus qui in terra posses- 
sionem quaerit, monachus non est. Sic quippe metuebat f>aup>ertatis suae securi- 
tatem perdere, sicut avari divites solent peritura divitias custodire. - Joannes Elee- 
mosinarius calls the poor dominos el auxiliatores : Migne, L,XX111, 342. Cfr. 
1 Vita 39 {Paupertas). We shall find the subject treated more fully in Secunda Vita. 

7 Sansi, Doc. stor. inediti Umbri (1879): 209 No. 8 ; a. 1190. 


find new life in him. Thomas of Celano — and those who 
followed in his footsteps — could find no better medium for 
describing the epic of serene poverty, than the ancient 
legends. These legends, naturally, were redolent of the 
cloister ; and thus a movement which took its predisposi- 
tions from heresy was cleverly led back to the institutions 
of monasticism, while these latter were, by the garb of 
poverty, rendered conformable to the tendencies of the age. 
And even in those days the world was content with ap- 

Meanwhile the multitude of those converted by the 
word of Francis, and by his success, increased ; and there- 
with increased the apprehensions of the Saint. After the 
sweet will come the bitter, as he rightly divined. ^ Like 
the other forms of association of the period, that which 
took shape around the preacher of peace and of evangelic 
life, being practically a little Commune, must needs have 
its own statute ; and this statute must reflect not only the 
ideas of the head, but those of the entire group. ^ After 
the same model as the brevi and statutes of the XIIP*^ cen- 
tury, was written the first Franciscan Rule. 

Scripsit, says Thomas, sibi et fratribus suis, habitis et 
futuris, simpliciter et pauds verbis vitae formam et Regu- 
lam, s. Evangelii praecipue sermonibm utens, ad cuius 
perfectionis solummodo inhiabat. Pauca tamen alia inseruit, 
quae omnino ad conversationis sanctae usum necessario 



1 I Vila 28. 

2 Boncompagni, Rhet. novissima : in Bibl. iur. m. aevi ed. Qaudenzi, T. II, 
253. Compare the statutes in umbra lunatica ; Cedrus, 1. c. 122, where is 
mentioned the society de tabula rotunda ; the name suggests the words attributed 
by the Speculum c. 62 (143) to Saint Francis: fratres met, milites tabulae 
rotundae, a truly mock-heroic phrase 1 



Certain of these words, and the form of the sentence, 
make it quite clear that Thomas had before him the Dia- 
logues of Gregory the Great, where is narrated the origin 
of the Rule of saint Benedict. ^ In Celano's thought the 
reformer of Assisi was successor of the Patriarch of mo- 
nachism. Here again the preponderating influence of the 
monastic spirit betrays itself unmistakeably. 

In a lay society the statutes are written and revised by 
special lawyers ; and, if we except the fundamental idea, 
it is more than improbable that the Saint should have 
written with his own hand the Rule for his brotherhood. 
When it became necessary to reform the society and its 
laws after the grave disorders that ensued during the mis- 
sion of Francis to the East ; the Founder entrusted the 
task of correcting the Rule to Caesarius of Spires, who 
embellished it with certain Gospel phrases. ^ We may be 
sure that the same thing happened on the former occasion 
— in order that the Saint might follow the traditional 
course. ^ The continual revisions, so minutely studied by the 
talented Miiller are so many certain indications, as we have 
already remarked, of the profound commotions that agitated 
the brotherhood of Saint Francis just as the sister societies 
of the world were agitated. 

In the legend of a considerably later date one can al- 
ways hear the echo of those fierce tempests that were 
associated with the change of the Rule, which, after the 

1 Dial. II, 36 : Scripsit Monachorum Regulam discretione praecipuam, ser- 
mone luculentam. 

2 Voigi, I. c. 522 ; c. 1 5 (Cfr. 519c. 9). Among the early socii there 
was also Pietro Cattani (Voigt, 520; Sabatier, Spec. 70-71 note 2) iurisperitus. 
We jurists are ubiquitous I 

3 The same thing happened to the Rule (Augustinian) adopted by the Do- 
minicans, which was approved <<■ delibtrationt communis, Jord. in SS. Ord. 
Braed. I, 12-3; c. 24. 


death of Francis, fell entirely into the power of the Holy 

The Franciscan Rule, like that of the converted Wal- 
densians of Lombardy who returned into the bosom of the 
Church, imposed on its subjects the following of the evan- 
gelic life as laid down in the four precepts of Christ. ^ 
Hence it was possible to attribute to the Rule a divine 
origin such as the Speculum perfectionis expounds in its 
first chapter, (according to Sabatier's edition), ^ with par- 
ticulars drawn from the monastic legends. Francis ascends 
the mountain accompanied by his faithful socii, and there, 
Christo docente he writes down his Rule — the second 
Rule. Jesus proclaims that there is nothing human to be 
found therein, and proscribes glosses of any kind. ^ Ap- 
parently the dislike of glossatores has ascended from earth 
to heaven ! "^ It is an angel who brings to the new Moses, 
Pachomius, the Tables of the monastic institutions ; ^ but 
to Francis Christ Himself speaks without intermediaries. 
The angels have more modest offices assigned to them in 
the Franciscan legend. One of them propounds to Bro. 
Elias the problem of the exclusion of flesh-meat from per- 
mitted foods ^ — a point on which Celano touches only inci- 
dentally. "^ The precept, found alike in the earlier and 

^ Reg. antica c. 1 . On the meaning given to these precepts, see Rilter, 
in Theol. Litteraturbl. 1877; 21 seqq. 

2 Sabatier, Spec. 1-5. 

3 This is repeated in the so-called Testament of St. Francis. Consult : Hase, 
Franz von Assisi 1 36 ; Renan, op. c. 247 ; Ehrle, in Arch, fiir Litt. und Kir- 
chengesch. Ill, 751 ; Gotz. 11-16. 

4 Boncompagni, Rhet. noviss. in Bibl. iur. m. aevi ; ed. Gaudenzi II : [Glos- 
satores] convertere moliuntur sanguinem uve veracissimum in amurcam, et amurcam 
pro balsamo intelligi persuadent. 

5 Migne. LXXIII, 236 c. 21, 22. 

6 Actus No. 3; Fior. No, 4. 

7 I Vita 51. 


later forms of the Rule' is perhaps a curious indication 
of a survival : suggesting that there remained a residuum 
of that aversion which the heretics felt for a kind of food 
which conflicted wath their supreme principle of the sacred 
inviolability of all living beings, and which the new Fran- 
ciscan society solemnly repudiated/ 

But whatever may have been the tendency of the Fran- 
ciscan brotherhood, there was a certain irregularity attaching 
to its actual condition ; for here was a body composed by 
no means of ecclesiastics only, which gave itself to prea- 
ching without the missio of the ecclesiastical authority.^ 
And so the growth of popular devotion to the Saint could 
not be a matter of indifference to Innocent III, especially 
as the movement had its centre in a region over which 
the Apostolic See claimed also a temporal dominion. Such 
zeal in sowing the Gospel-seeds was not to be looked for 
from the orthodox, still less from ecclesiastics : hence the 
agitation was suspected. When Thomas reaches the historic 
moment of the 'mission' of Francis he is obviously in a 
very great hurry. He carrie sus off at once to Rome, where 
we meet, in the Curia, the bishop of Assisi (who is an- 
xious lest the company should abandon his diocese) and 
Cardinal Colonna. ^ In the Second Life, where Celano 

1 R«^. ant. c. 3 Reg. 1123 c. 3, 9. 14. (Luc. X, 8). 

2 For the Manichean Cathari the prohibition is derived from the signaculum 
oris. Cfr. Muratori, Anecd. ambros. 112. Sacconi, in Martene et Durand, 
Thes Nov. V, 1 764 ; Schdnbach, in Sitzungsber. cit. CXLVII 9, 63. The 
reformed rules of the Camaldolensians maintain (for other reasons, as wdll be un- 
derstood) the prohibition of flesh-meat: Ann. Camald. IV app. II No. 14 a. 1207: 
Caro vero penitus denegabitur, nisi iusta causa permittente. — Still an echo of the 
discussion may have penetrated also into the monasteries : S. Bern. Apol. ad G. 
Abb. T. II, 538 c. 7 : - Abraham gralissime camibus angelos paverit . . . 

3 Friedberg-Ruffini. Tratt. di dir. eccl. § 50 ; Hinschius, IV, 450 seqq. 
Cfr. Concil. Lat. IV. c. 3 ; Mami, XXII, 990. Muller. Anfange, 30, 33, 39, 42. 

4 I Vita 38; Sabatier. Vie 108. 


takes up again and developes the narrative barely sketched 
in the First, Francis recites before the Pope a little story 
which Christ has suggested to him. ^ That woman, fair 
but poor, forsaken in the wilderness by the king to whom 
she sends her sons that he may acknowledge and nourish 
them — if she has certain lineaments that take us back to 
the Epic of chivalry, ^ has many other more definite ones 
which reveal to us who she is. The king is the Pope; 
the forsaken woman is Religion ; the sons are the followers 
of Jesus. Few of us will believe that the parable really 
came from the lips of Francis, who had no love for eni- 
gmsis;^ but its signification is decidedly important. 

Pope Innocent III is known as a man of vigorous pur- 
poses and rough words. ^ He does not appear to have 
received very kindly the band conducted to his presence 
by the poor man of Assisi. ^ According to Celano, how- 
ever all passed off in the best possible way. At the out- 
set Cardinal Colonna wished to make Francis a hermit, 
in order to remove him, of course, from the atmosphere 
of popular triumphs ; and only later did he decide to 
plead his cause before the Pope who, praevia discretione, 
accorded his verbal approbation to the Rule of the " Poor 
Men of Assisi ", and dismissed Francis in peace. 

1 II Vita I, 11. R. 17. 

2 Potvin, Perceval le Gallois (1866-7); e Raina, I Cantari di Carduino ; 
in Scelta di curiosita lelterarie ined. o rare. No. 1 35 (Bol. 1 893) p. XVI ; 
XVII seqq. 

3 I Vita prol. 

4 On the character of Innocent III, see Hmter, III, 48 ; Caes. VI, 29 ; VII, 
6; cfr. the singular document in Ann. Camald. IV app. No. 218 (356). 

5 Math. Paris. Hist, maior ad a. 1227. London 1640; 340, Words re- 
ligiously transcribed by almost all Franciscan historians ; Thomas of course could 
not permit it to be thought that his Order had had a less cordial welcome from 
the pope than the Dominicans received, SS. Ord. Praed. I. 1 3 ; Jord. c. 26. 


Celano's famous narrative concludes with the vision of 
the great tree, ' symbolising the majesty of Innocent, which 
bows itself down in the Saint's presence. But the biogra- 
pher's tales leave us wdth a number of unanswered questions. 
Was Francis summoned to Rome by demand of the bishop 
of Assisi ? Or did he go spontaneously, of his own free- 
will ? Was it a repetition, after the lapse of centuries, 
of the case of Aequitius ? Or did bishop Guido succeed 
very adroitly in bringing Francis over to orthodoxy ? ^ We 
will not attempt to answer the questions, because docu- 
mentary data are lacking. But there can be no question 
whatever of the grave anxiety that must have been aroused 
in the Curia by a movement which was assuming enormous 
proportions. ^ The effort to keep the tendencies of Fran- 
ciscanism within the limits marked out by orthodox tradi- 
tion may have manifested itself within that confused mass 
of elements, good and otherwise, that grouped themselves 
round the figure of Francis. For there were among them 
ecclesiastics who sought by means of the new fratemitas 
and by the help of the name of Francis, to recover in- 
directly that authority that was often denied to the clerical 
estate. Many of these — who would probably dislike a 
fierce conflict with neighbouring Rome — may have pressed 
the Saint to avoid open war with the Church. The times 
moreover were not so favourable to unlicensed preaching 

1 The vision of the tree which bows down before St. Francis resembles that 
which is recorded in the Hfe of S. Guido Abbot of Pomposa : Acta SS. Mart. 
Ill, 915: arbor.... inclinavil se ad Guidonis manum, for the abbot to gather 
its dates. 

2 Dissolvere colligationes haereticorum, per fidelem doctrinam, are words — and 
deeds — of Pope Innocent Op. 32 ; Sermo II, in die cin. 

3 Tocco in Arch. Storico Italiano, 1903, 331 seqq. This anxiety is attested 
by the last persecutions of those Minorites who refused to abjure the most rigid 
Franciscan ideal. 


as to make a papal confirmation of the Society's statutes 
seem superfluous. 

But whatever may have been the actual course which 
events took, Thomas' narrative is marked by a special 
freshness and spontaneity, where he describes the journey 
from Rome towards the vale of Spoleto of a band now 
at last in full accord with canonical regulations. 

Now begins a continuous succession of marvellous oc- 
currences which, little by little, will turn into real miracles. 
The pious company advances into desert places, but lo ! . . . 
statim, divina gratia procurante, occurrit eis homo af- 
ferens in manu panem, deditque ipsis et abiit. ^ The same 
thing happened to the hermit Anthony and his companions 
who, like those of Francis, saw in it the hand of God.^ 
Henceforth the pilgrims of Assisi had no lack of abundant 
alms; and that which remained over of what they had 
begged for the love of God, they put away in a certain 
tomb "that had once contained the bodies of dead men". 
A sepulchre had, in fact, become their place of refuge, 
exactly as we read of Macarius and other hermits who 
slept "in a monument where in ancient times had been 
buried the bodies of pagans ". ^ An excellent theme for 
rhetoric, and one which Celano was not the man to pass 
over, is this idyll of the humble life — the joyous poverty 
of the first Franciscans, for whom in the late winter days 
of the Xlir^ century was awaking the evangelic spring- 
time under the skies of Umbria. "^ The brotherhood, ap- 

1 I Vita 34 seqq. 

2 Cassian. Conl. II, 6 ; CV. 45. Eisque cum panibus occurrissent ... re- 
putans escam sibi divinitus ministrari. 

3 I Vita 34 ; Migne, LXXIII. 896. 

4 I Vita 38. The phrases : caili amplexm, suaves affectus, osculum sanctum. 


proved and blessed by the Pope has already its own name: 
it is the Ordo Minorum. 

Apparently even the latest historian of Saint Francis 
puts a little faith in Thomas of Celano ; for he relates 
how the Saint was struck with the passage in the Old 
Rule : Omnes Fratres in quibuscumque locis fuerint apud 
aliquos ad serviendum, vel ad laborandum, non sint came- 
rarii, vel cellarii, nee praesint, in domibus eorum, quibus 
serviunt, nee accipiant aliquod officium... SED SINT MI- 
NORES, et subditi omnibus, qui in eadem domo sunt : ^ and 
had said : " Volo Ordo fratrum minorum fraiemitas haec 
voeetur ". ^ But this search for the origin of the name 
in an accidental cause — like the similar case of the Do- 
minicans (JPraedieatores) is not altogether satisfactory. 

The same historian would also find in the peace bet- 
ween the maiores and the minores of Assisi a "demo- 
cratic" signification of the name imposed on the Order. ^ 
But if the fraternitas originally called itself "Poor Men 
of Assisi ", and not (as M. Sabatier thinks) " Viri poeni- 
tentiales ", '^ the change of name which followed on the 

Juice colloquium, risus modestus, aspectus iucundus, oculus simplex, lingua pla- 
cahilis . . . idem propositum, reappear undoubtedly in Dante's lines (Par. XI 76-8) : 

La lor Concordia e i lor lieti sembianti 
Amore e meraviglia e dolce sguardo 
Faceano esser cagion de' pensier santi. 

1 Sabatier, Vie, 132-4. 

2 I Vita 38. The chapter quoted from the Old Rule is the seventh. 

3 Op. e I. c. 

4 Leg. trium Sociorum 36 : Quidam libenter eos audiebant, alii e contrario 
deridebant, et a multis interrogabantur unde erant, et de quo ordine. Quibus, 
licet laboriosum esset tot quaestionibus respondere, simpliciter tamen confitebantur 
« quod erant viri poenitentiales de cioitate Assisi oriundi » , non enim ordo eorum 
dicehatur religio. Sabatier has misunderstood the passage. The first Franciscans 
were not uttering the name of their brotherhood, but simply, to save themselves 
from embarrassment, auswered that they v»^ere from Assisi and that they v/ere 
living as penitents. Penitents in the Middle Ages are most common, and could 


papal approbation of the Rule must not be attributed to 
an imitation of lay terminology. 

Francis and his followers were now in the bosom of 
the Church's institutions. Innocent followed in the steps 
of his predecessors : to the disease he applied its remedy. 
Were heretics preaching ? Then all the more need that 
the orthodox should preach also. The enemy must be 
encountered with his own weapons. Abbot Joachim, as 
we all know, announces in his prophecies the two Orders 
of preachers to whom the world is to owe its salvation. ^ 
But what the celebrated visionary saw with the eye of 
prophecy was visible to the ordinary sight of his contem- 
poraries ! In the century of heresy the Church's ener- 
gies are all directed against that foe, whom she fights 
not only with the sword, but also with the word of her 
preachers. And the ignorance of the ecclesiastics and their 
incapacity for such a task constrained the hierarchy to 
seek defenders of orthodoxy even outside the ranks of the 
clergy and of the monastic Orders. ^ 

be recognised at once from their appearance : the socii gave themselves there 
and then the name which was most appropriate to their condition at the moment. 
I do not insist on the practical worthlessness of the " Legend of the Three com- 
panians " as an historical source. Even Tarducci takes the same line as Sabatier. 
Tarducci, Vita di s. Francesco d'Assisi (1904) 127-8. 

1 In Jerem c. 1 , 19, 31. Cfr. c. 9 ( 1 3 1 ) : Viatores sunt praedicatores fu- 
turi, ad solitudinem vitae scil. spiritualem divertentes ; in quibus Spiritus Domini, 
in quo est libertas, ac si super aquis ambulabit . . . etc. And again in c. 1 : Licet 
enim novus ordo praedicatorum ecclesiae oriatur etc. Cfr. Greg. M. In prim. 
Reg. VI, 3 n. 26. Venit in Bethleem ordo praedicatorum, ante ludaeam con- 
vertere studuit ; see also Joachim, proem, to book above quoted. For the 
appearance of the Minorites in the world: Ursperg. Chr. MG. SS. XXIII, 376; 
Math. Paris. MG. SS. 379. Rog. de Wertd. ib. 42. 

2 The fourth Lateran Council definitely regulates preaching: c. 10. Mansi, 
XXII, 998. Sui praedicatores quaestuarii : Cone. Paris, a. 1212 ib. 819 c. I. 
Cone. Avenion. ib. 781 c. 1 a. 1209. Episcopus - cum expedient per alias 
honestas et discretas pjersona facial - praedicari, cfr. Deer. Grat. C. XVI, 9, 1 
= Reg. Pontif. I No. 495. Hinschius, 1. c. 


These provisions were dictated by necessity ; but their 
justification was found in the works of Gregory the Great. 
More than once that pontiff makes mention of those who 
are " Ordine minores ", that is, discipuli, who cooperate 
with the maiores (i. e, apostoli) for the edification of the 
Church of God. Of these humble ones the rector eccle- 
siae must not be jealous, nor must he arrogate to himself 
the sole right of preaching, because the pious priest ab 
omnibus vult adjuvari quod agit. ^ And what are Gre- 
gory's views as to the preaching of the laity, the case of 
Aequitius of Rieti tells us clearly. It is not, then (to say 
the least), improbable that the teachings of Gregory — 
which according to a recent biographer of Saint Dominic 
suggested also the name of the Order of Preachers^ — 
laid their impress on the institutions which were being 
naturally evolved by the needs of the age; and those 
who are familiar with the extraordinary authority of Gre- 

1 Qreg. M. In primum Reg. IV, 5 n. 13. Adiutores quippe suos discipulos 
vocavit, qui ordine minores erant, sed laboris participes, obedientiae humilitate 
Apostolo subiecti erant ; sed dum cum eo aeterni regni gloriam praedicarent etc. 
quia perfecti discipuli in alta dispositibne s. Eccl. magistronim suorum coadiulores 
sunt, auxilia quae possunt, per altitudinem virtutis, ferunt, sed eis, quos adiuvant, 
per humilitatem serviunt. (Cfr. I Vita 38 : Et vere Minores, qui omnibus subditi 
existentes etc. St. Paul's words in II Cor. 3, 9 suggested to the Pope the phrase : 
Dei adiutores). 

Moral. XXII, in c. 31 Job, n. 54: Agricolae quippe huius terrae sunt hi, 
qui MiNORi LOCO positi, quo valent zelo, quanto possunt opere, ad eruditionem 
s. Eccl. cooperantur. Quos videlicet terrae huius agricolas, h. e. non affligere, 
eorum laboribus non invidere ; ne rector Ecclesiae, dum soli sibi ius praedicationis 
oindicat, etiam alii recte praedicantibus, invidia se mordente, contradicat. Pia 
enim pastorum mens, quia non propriam gloriam, sed Auctoris quaerit, ad omnibus 
vult adiuvari quod agit. Cfr. Cone. Lat. IV, c. 1 cit. Ut episcopi yiros ido- 
neos ad sanctae praedicationis officium salubriter exequendum assumant - verbo 
aedificent et exemplo - coadiutores et cooperatores episcopi. 

2 SS. Ord. Praed. Const. Medic. Prol. (I, 25) : Hunc Ordinem Praedica- 
torum s. interpretatur Gregorius novissimis dirigendum temporibus etc. Moral. 
XXII in c. 31 Job. n. 53 (?). 


gory's name in the middle ages will not find the hypothesis 
out of place. 

There was no lack of learned ecclesiastics in the /ra- 
ternitas of Assisi. After the Regula and missio had been 
approved, some Franciscan theologian of the type of Cae- 
sarius of Spires may have seen a name invented on pur- 
pose for the new brethren in Gregory's Ordo minorum, 
which has no reference (be it observed) to the well-known 
division of the ecclesiastical orders into maiores and minores.^ 

In the Second Life Thomas developes the theme, and 
returning to the conceptions of Gregory the Great makes 
Francis say: "In adiutorium clericorum missi sumus, ad 
animarum salutem, ut quod in illis minus invenitur, sup- 
pleatur a nobis" — words which repeat exactly Gregory's 
idea. ^ But Celano's imitation does not stop there : "Re- 
vere super constantiae fundamenium ", (he says elswhere) 
*' charitatis nohilis structura surrexit, in qua vivi lapides 
ex omnibus mundi partibus coacervati, aedificati sunt in 
habitaculum Spiritus Sancii". These words correspond 
almost precisely with forms of speech drawn from the wri- 
tings of Gregory, and in part inspired by the "Lives of 
the Fathers".^ 

1 These minores are not ecclesiastics but laymen : i. e. minores are not the 
"minor orders" and maiores the "Greater" or "Holy orders". In that case 
Gregory uses the phrase: minores ordirxis sacerdotes : Horn, in Ezech. II, 10 
n. 1 3, and so too Innocent III himself : De sacro altaris mysterio I, 6 : De mi' 
noribus et maioribus sacerdotibus. 

2 II Vita, III, 84 R. 75. Cfr. Speculum c. 54, derived, as always from 
the second Life. The Speculum, c. 26 sees in the name Minores the revelation 
of the Divine will. 

3 I Vita 38 ; St. 'Paul. Eph. II, 20-2 : Superaedificati super fundamentum 
Apostolorum et Prophetarum, ipso summo angulari lapide Christo Jesu, in quo 
omnis aedificatio constructa crescit in templum sanctum etc. Cfr. Qreg. M. In 
Ezech. Hom. II, I : n. 5, 10; II, 6 n. 3. Vita Front. Migne. LXXIII, 438 
prol. Decrevi construere templum Dei, ubi et nos, tanquam lapides vivi, aedifice- 
mur in domum spiritualem. 


The first Minorites afford the most brilliant example of 
homage to the Rule which imposes obedience, poverty, 
and love of labour. ^ Serene constancy in adversities, and 
pious superiority to insults — these form the favourite theme 
of the ulterior elaborations which find their climax in the 
Fioretti. ^ Already in the description of the golden age 
of the Franciscan fraternitas one detects a strain of regret 
for the decadence of the primitive practice, as rapid as 
had been the unlooked for rise of that burst of Christian 
fervour. ^ The lovers of joyous Poverty — who ought, by 
rights, to have nothing of the old monasticism about them — 
are represented as so many hermits, bent on torturing body 
and soul for the love of God. They hang themselves 
up with ropes, to escape the insidious assaults of slumber 
during prayer ; gird themselves with instruments of iron that 
eat into the flesh; subdue gluttony with severe fasts, and 
sensuality by means of icy baths, and by rolling the naked 
body among nettles and brambles. '^ It is the armoury of 
the old asceticism that furnishes the Franciscans with their 
weapons of mortification and penitence. 

But is it true, this narrative of Celano ? With the help 
of our sources it is easy to demonstrate that, in this matter 
Thomas is copying literally from Gregory the Great and 
others. ^ But that is not the whole of the indictment. 

1 Reg. ant. c. 1. 7, 9, 14. 

2 Fior. N. 8; Actus N. 7. Cfr. Paul. I Cor. 13; Math. V, 10 seqq. 
Cfr. Migne, LXXIII, 781 : qui - penitus ab hominibus non honoratur, desuper 
gloriam a Deo accipiet. 

3 Cfr. the same complaint in Migne, LXXIII, 931 : Quando Congregaba- 
mur initio ad invicem, et loquebamur aliquod quod utile esset animabus nostris, 
efliciebamus seorsum - et ascendebamus in coelum. Nunc autem - unus alterum 
trahimus in profundum. 

4 I Vita 40, 41, 42. 

5 S. 'P. Dam. II, 231. Vitas. Rom. Dum - pateretur acediam ; laqueari- 


In the Second Life Celano himself records that Francis 
had to impose a limit on the extravagances of the peni- 
tents. ' There he almost describes the Saint as utterly 
unfavourable to this fierce ascetism which in the earlier 
biography is so unreservedly eulogised. '^ 

Omitting certain other observations vs^hich might well be 
suggested by Celano' s plagiarisms, let us pass on, finally, 
to one of the most notable chapters in the First Life. 

The exceedingly clever rhetorician, with whom we are 
now sufficiently acquainted, dissimulates the importance of 
his real subject under the modest title ''Sancta simplicitas'\ 
We shall soon see wherein this "holy simplicity" consists. 

One day, so runs the narrative, it so happened that a 
priest notorious for his shameful life, who (in spite of his 
crimes) acted as confessor to the Brothers Minor, said to 
one of them : " Take care that you are not a hypocrite ! " 
The brother, struck by the priest's word, which filled him 
with distress, sought comfort of his brethren, who advised 
him not to take the judgement seriously, knowing who that 

bus cellulae (uniculos innectebat, sicque ulnis insertis psalmodiae studio pendulus 
insistebat ; ib. 239. Vita s. Domin. Loric. Circulis quoque ferreis quatuor - 
quatuor superaddidit. Cfr. Ven. Fortun. Vita s. Radeg. MG. SS. antiquiss. IV, 
2 ; c. 24 (45). Greg. M. Dial. 11, 2 (St. Benedict) : Urticarum at veprium 
iuxta densa succrescere fruteta conspiciens, exutus indumento, nudum se in illis 
spinarum aculeis et urticarum incendiis proiecit, ibique diu volutatus toto, ex eis 
corpore vulneratus exiit. The words in italics are also in Celano. In like manner 
Besarion stands among nettles for 40 nights : Migne, LXXIII, 894 ; and so too 
St. Romuald. S. *P. Dam. 11,217. Rimedio dell' acqaa </«acc/a ; Vita S. P. 
Dam. in Op. I, 111 ; Caes. IV, 102. Osservanza del silenzio : Greg. M. In 
Ev. Hom. I, 7 = Moral. VII, in c. 7 Job, n. 58 ; V, in c. 4. Job, n. 18 ecc. 
DiscipUna degli occhi : ib. Moral. XVI, in c. 23 Job, n. 29 ecc. Cfr. I Vita 
43 pr. = Moral. XXI in c. 31 Job, n. 4 Mors . . . habitaculum intrat mentis ; 
Cel. mors intrat ad animam. Obhedienza : I Vita 45. Veram obedientiam etc. 
Greg. M. in prim. Reg. II, c. 4 n. 11. Vera namque obedientia etc. 

1 II Vita I, 15. R. 19 Nam cum circulis, ferreis etc. 

2 Spec. No 27 is simply an amplification of the second Life. 


priest was. But Francis gave an entirely different answer. 
" He who spake ", said the Saint, " is a priest. Can such 
an one lie? If, then, a lie is impossible, it is necessary 
to believe that what the priest said is true ". ' Thus one 
of the many monastic anecdotes, on conventional lines, di- 
rected against the shameless hypocrisy of vainglorious asce- 
tics, ^ is employed by Celano to develope the point of 
the Old Rule which deals with the doctrine of the vali- 
dity of the sacraments when administered by priest living 
in sin. ^ During the struggle of the reforms the popes 
themselves had forbidden the faithful to hear the masses 
of priests who kept concubines; and the practice of the 
orthodox had gone even further, thus favouring directly 
heretical tendencies.'^ In the XIP^ century, as is clear 
from the dialectical efforts of Gratian, the grave danger 
of this theory was recognised, and an attempt was made 
to shake off the principle that the validity of the sacra- 
ments depended on the merits of those who administered 

1 I Vita 46. 

2 5. P. Dam. II, 217. Vita S. Romuald. c. 27. Cfr. Reg. ant. c. 7; Et 
caveant sibi quod non ostendant se... hypocritas, Caes. II, 23. A Friar who 
weeps for compunction and thinks : Utinam videret aliquis modo gratiam islam I 
Greg. M. Moral. XI, in c. 13 Job, n. 49; ib. VIII, in c. 8 Job, n. 72. Hy- 
pocrisy, daughter of the fiend becomes bride of the Religious : Jac. de Vitry, 
Elxempla No. 243. 

3 Hinschius, I, 117 seqq. IV, 5 1 seqq. Schonbach, in Sitzungsber. cit. 
CXLVII, 111-5. Lea I, 70 seqq. Cfr. Deer. Graf. D. XXXII, 5. 6 and Dicta 
Grat. ib. Ill e IV p. § 5. Cone. Rom. ann. 1059 and 1063. Jaffe, Mon. 
Greg. 523-5. Mansi. XIX, 897; Hefele, Conciliengesch. IV, 792. Reg. Pontif. 
II, No. 5109. 

4 MG. Lib. de lite imp. et pontif. Ill, 12, 56. Ep. de sacr haeret. e Ho- 
norii Aug., De offendicuio. The doctrine is akin to the theory of the lapsi. 
Cfr. Vita Pach in Migne. LXXIII, 245 ; c. 24. Qreg. M. In Evang. Hom. 
I, 7 n. 14: Sacerdos enim non distat a populo, quando nullo merito vitae suae 
vulgi trascendit actionem. Instead of shepherds, they become wolves. For the 
heretical doctrines, see : Lea, 1. c. Alan, in Migne, CCX, 383 ecc. 



them. ^ Finally, the fourth Lateran Council affirmed as 
orthodox the contrary, the principle which finds expression 
also in the old Franciscan Rule. ^ But if every doubt 
was thus solved in the sphere of dogma, the popular con- 
science was evidently not prepared to accord a welcome 
to the orthodox principle. It was repugnant that the means 
of grace, divine in their origin, should reach the faithful 
defiled, as it were, by the contact of impure hands. And 
the moral sense refuses to be gagged even by order of 
popes and councils. 

Thomas of Celano, in full accord with the Old Rule, puts 
the orthodoxy of Francis outside the region of discussion : 
so the Saint of Assisi is made to subscribe his name to the 
sentence which condemns the contrary principle, and the 
Franciscan anecdote takes its place among related theologi- 
cal-literary manifestations, both contemporary and ancient. ^ 

The editors of Franciscan matters in Quaracchi, have 
republished (in the third volume of the Analecta Fran- 
ciscana) the jottings of the so-called " Chronicle of the 
XXIV Generals ". When they reach the chapter of the 
Life of Bro. Aegidius where he is taxed with hypocrisy 
by a priest, they refer us frankly to Celano's little story, 
as if it dealt with the same thing. "^ 

1 Grat. 1. c. Cfr. Deer. C. I, 1, 75. Dicta: sed hoc de peccalore tantum 
catholico, non heretico, intelligendum ; ib. 77. Boni et mali sacerdotes eque cor- 
pus Christi conficiunt. lb. 84 ; (ed. Lips. II, p. 387 : These are imitations and 
restatements of passages in Gregory. 

2 Harnack. III. 879 seqq. Cfr. Deer. Greg. IX. Ill, 2, 7 (Lucius III). 

3 The story of the leper (i. e. polluted priest) who draws pure water (sacra- 
mental grace) in a golden vessel, passes from Vitae Patrum, {Migne, LXXIII, 91 1), 
into Jacques de Vitry's Sermons, (Ex. No. 155), and into Gesta Romanorum (ed 
Dick 1 890) c. 1 2 ; and no doubt into various other collections. The precept had 
already been clearly expressed by Greg. M. In prim. Reg. 11, 4 n. 12 : Ut sciamus, 
quia maiorum imperia, tunc etiam veneranda sunt, cum ipsi laudabilem non habent vitam. 

4 Anal, franc. Ill, 79. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 233. 


Aegidius, then, carrying a load of reeds passes near a 
church. A priest cannot refrain from shouting after him : 
"Hypocrite"! Great is the grief of the poor brother, 
and the word allows him no peace, until unus f rater who 
finds him weeping consoles him with the weighty words : 
" Frater, ^ sententiae hominum qui errare possunt frequenter 
Dei sententiis sunt difformes". Here we are in full-blown 
heresy ! The inconsistency between the principle expound- 
ed by Thomas and attributed by him to Francis, and 
that of the frater who consoles Aegidius is quite hopeless. 
Who was this " unus frater " ? Francis is in the first days 
of the Order, called "frater" antonomastically. " And 
without assigning too great a value to the Life of Aegi- 
dius in the form in which it has come down to us, ^ one 

1 Reading frater, not paler with the printed text. 

2 Voigl, 1. c. c. 524 c. 17. Per excellentiam, a fratribus fn frater » dice- 

3 The Life of Bro. Aegidius itself offers a magnificent field for investigation. 
The text we posses has been profoundly modified by the ' spirituales ', and this 
is the reason — not far to seek — of its points of contact with the Speculum. 
Thomas of Celano (I. Vila 25) speaks of Aegidius as though he were already 
dead : " Sanctae contemplationis nobis exempla reliquit ". As for the theory of 
interpolations, I have not much faith in it. Would Aegidius then be dead before 
1230 ? The generally admitted date for the commencement of the Fioretti (1262), 
is probably that of the MS cited by Sabatier (Spec. p. CLXXV) ; a MS which 
in its final phrases coincides remarkably with the words of Salimbene about his 
burial at Perugia and — " qui Perusii in archa saxea tumuiatus est .... " If so 
Aegidius could have known nothing of the vicissitudes of the Order and the fall 
of Elias, nor could he have been embraced by Louis IX of France. In the re- 
daction that has come down to us, the traces of editing are certainly not wanting : 
Cfr. e. g., " Vere credendum est, inq'uj/ Z.eo, animam illam sanctissimam praesen- 
sisse dilectum etc." (Acta SS. cit. 242 n. 100). Hence, as a historical source 
our text of the 'Life' has but a very relative value, Sabatier indeed (Spec. p. 
XCVI) says quite the contrary ; but surely the first thing is to fix the date of 
Aegidius' death. The truth (or imposture) hangs on a group of four figures. 
If the editors of the 'Life* make such an egregious mess in a point of chrono- 
logy, does it not mean that their own date was for removed from that of the 
first Franciscan Age : possibly in the times of Ubertino da Casale, during the first 
years of the XlV^h century ? 


may be allowed to suspect that the words are really those 
of Francis; and the tradition preserved and followed by 
the zealots of the Order affords a glimpse of a suggestion 
of heresy in the old circle of Franciscan ideas. That part 
of the Old Rule (the successive transformations of which 
I do not propose to discuss with Miiller) where the subject 
of the respect due to priests is touched upon, is substan- 
tially at one with the recantations of the Catalan and 
Lombard Waldensians who Ccune over to Catholicism. 
There is no need to dwell on the fact that the Minorites 
in their first steps in the world were taken — in France, 
for instance — for heretics. ^ Whatever be the origin of 
the Life of Aegidius, it acquires, when confronted with 
the narrative of Celano, an importance that cannot be 

The first Legend of Saint Francis (albeit its author 
exhibits now and then a sceptical tendency)^ would not 
have made its own fortune nor have increased the Saint's, 
without the miraculous element. Miracle is essential. 

First and foremost Francis has the divine gift of pro- 
phecy. When the Emperor Otho comes to Rome to be 
crowned, Francis, more abstracted than Diogenes himself 
in the presence of Alexander of Macedon, vouchsafes not 
a single glance of curiosity ; but he predicts for the Em- 
peror a short reign, as Saint Romuald had predicted for 

1 Voigt, 1. 517. Jord. c. 4 : Fratres vero qui in Franciam venerunl, inter- 
rogati si essent Ambigenses, responderunt quod (sic ?), non intelligentes quid essent 
Ambigenses, nescientes tales esse hereticos, et sic quia (quasi ?) heredci sunt re- 

2 I Vita 70 : Verum quia non miracula, quae sanctitatem non faciunt, sed 
ostendunt etc, Cfr. Greg. M. In Evang. Horn. II, 29 ; No. 4 : Nam corporalia 
ilia miracula ostendunt aliquando sanctitatem, non autem faciunt; Dial. I, 12. 
Caes. VI, 5 ; a passage cited also by Bartolom. da S. Cone. Ammaestr. IV, 4. 



another, Otho and Saint Benedict for Totila. ^ His spirit, 
which miraculously visits those of the Brethren, ^ penetrates 
into all secrets. ^ Here Saint Francis is transformed by 
the art of his biographer into Saint Benedict/ A strong 
scent of monasticism is diffused through the entire narrative, 
which collects together a number of characteristic passages 
drawn from sources old and recent. Bro. Richieri incar- 
nates the typical tempted novice, whose secret the abbot 
or senior reads deep down in his heart, and thereupon 
gives him sweet comfort in his chaste resolves.^ This 
episode, which in the sequel branches out into luxuriant 
ramifications, ^ has its roots in the " Lives of the Fathers ". '^ 
Every act of the Saint reproduces a classical motif of the 
cloister. Francis sprinkles with ashes the poor scraps of 
food which barely suffice to meet the needs of his body; 
he publicly accuses himself of having eaten fowl's flesh like 
a vulgar glutton ; he laughs or rejoices at insult, which is 
for him the teacher of humility. 

1 I Vita 43 Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. II, 15. 5. P. Dam. II, 219. 

2 I Vita 47. 

3 I Vita 48. 

4 I Vila cit. O. quotiens .... absentium fratrum acta cognovit. Cfr. Greg. 
M. Dial. II, 13: Se cognovit etiam absentem in B. patris oculis deliquisse. 

In this paragraph Celano by the phrase « ad audiendum reddidit (fratres) be- 
nevolos et attentos » shews himself an accomplished rhetorician. The formula is 
typical, and occurs in Boet. Top. Cic. I Migne, LXIV, 1042; hid. Etym. II, 
7. 2. 

5 I Vita 49. 

6 Actus No. 31. Fior. No. 29. 

7 Migne, LXXIII, 742. Disciplinus cuiusdam s. senioris etc. Cassian. Conl. 
II, 1 3 CV. 54 : Cum iam ei tali moerore depressus, nee iam de remedio pas- 
sionis etc. We shall see later on the evolution of these ideas in the Second Life. 

8 I Vita 5 1 : Admissa (cibaria) .... conficiebat cinere. Cfr. S. P. Dam. 
V. Odilonis II, 1 94 : Pugillum cineris latenter implevit, et apposito pane, discubuit. 
Cumque cinerum tamquam panem manducaret etc. I Vita 52 and Caes. X, 6: 
Adiuro te, immunde spiritus, in hac charitate, qua pridie, propter monachum 
meum, cames comedi ; (An Abbot exorcising in church). I Vita 53: Per obe- 


And, like Saint Martin, he is fain to die on a bed of ashes. ^ 
To those who take the very simple line of not even 
discussing miracles, it may well seem strange that a place 
should be found for them even in a book of historical 
criticism. But it is worth which to reflect that in the 
choice of his miracles Thomas would have employed some 
quite practical criteria. In miracle, if one may be per- 
mitted to say so, there is sometimes more truth than false- 
hood. Now our biographer has borrowed the prodigies 
of the most celebrated Saints in the Kalendar. I say 
nothing of the changing of water into wine — which has 
been in vogue ever since the marriage-feast of Cana^ — 
and pause only upon the typical miracle of the healing of 
a demoniac, which is actually copied from Sulpicius Se- 
verus. It is natural that the patriarch of the new Order 
should be necessarily likened to the bishop of Tours, that 
pitiful Saint, unrivalled in his compassion for the poor and 
in the glory of his miracles. ^ Celano could not pass over 
in silence all the characteristic Franciscan meekness towards 
God, towards men, towards all creatures animate and ina- 
nimate, which is the most delicate note of the legend, 
though not free from a touch of heretical tendency. "^ In 

dientiam tibi dico ut mihi duriter iniurieris. This theme, is developed in Fioretii 
Nos. 3 and 9 : cfr. Actus Nos. 2 and 8 and the sources cited there : but the 
true sources are : Migne. LXXIII, 774. Verba seniorum : Quanto plus eum 
aliquis iniuriabatur, aut deridebat (Pelag. lib. 16, 12) tanto plus ille gaudebat, 
dicens : Isti sunt qui nobis occasionem praebent ad profectum nostrum. Cfr. ib. 
961 : Bene tibi fecerunt, cenerente et cabate ; and again ib. 1034. 

1 See 'The Death of St. Francis', in Appendix I to this Book. 

2 I Vita 61. [? 69 TV.] This miracle is twice wrought by St. Peter Damian : 
Vita in Op. I p. VIII. Cfr. V. Odil. Op. cit. II, 195 etc. The contest with the 
fiend occurs in I Vita 72 = Vila s. Rom. Op. c. II 209-10. 

3 I Vita 61 = Vita 8. Martino CV. 125 ; c. 16 ; cfr. 1 Vita 68 = Sulp. 
Sev. Dial. II (III, 6) 204. 

4 I Vita 58. 59, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81. 


this part of the story, as also in the indisputable predi- 
lection of the Sziint for Elias, whom he designated his 
successor, vibrates the truth. 

There is no room for doubt as to the gentle pantheism 
of Francis, nor as to his domination by the proud spirit 
of the man of Cortona : the biographer is forced in these 
matters to reveal the truth in spite of himself ! ^ 

It is indeed a strange attitude in which our diffidence 
places us ! We come to believe as true only that which, 
in our judgement, the veracious biographer could not have 
omitted, even if he had wished, without so altering the 
portrait of the Saint as to render it unrecognisable ! 

In his description of the universal love of Francis, Ce- 
lano has drawn upon his artistic powers. If he had not 
in him a very copious vein of poetry, he still had the 
ability to embellish very cleverly the dull outlines of fact. 
Francis gives the name of "Brother" to every created 
thing : one knows, however, of a poor brother of the 
V" century, in the Dialogues of Saint Gregory, who "of 
his excessive simplicity" called a bear ^'f rater". "Brother 
Wolf" of Gubbio has here a distant cousin.^ And in 
Rufinus' "Lives of the Fathers" one reads also of "Bro- 
ther Soul ". ^ The pity of the Sciints for animals, and the 
obedience of animals to the word of the Saints are matters 
which occur very frequently in Mediaeval hagiography. 
And Saint Francis' eulogy of the birds recalls the gentle 
saying of Jesus, and further, the truly winged words of 

1 It was only after a lapse of 20 years that Thomas could dare, in the 5e- 
cunda Vita, to erase the name of Bro. Elias once for all from the officiaJ re- 
cords of Franciscanism. 

2 Dial. Ill, 15. See Appendix III. 

3 Migne, XXI, 430 : Ne fratrem meum, i. e. animam meam, scandalizem. 

CHAPTER 11 101 

Saint Ambrose in his prose hymn to creation, and certain 
lighter stories of Caesarius. ^ 

"Supra hominum intellectum afficiebatur, cum nomen 
tuum, sancte Domine, nominareV\ exclaims Thomas in 
Augustinian tones, to magnify the fervour which Francis 
felt for the holy name of God. "^ This sentiment must 
surpass in intensity even his ardent love for the creatures ; 
and for its sake Francis devoutly collected every writing, 
even if the name of God did not occur in it. When 
asked why etiam paganorum scripta, et ubi non erat no- 
men Domini, sic studiose colligeret, respondit dicens : 
" Fili, quia ibi litterae sunt ex quibus componitur Domini 
dei nomen". All this is a cold imitation of the usual 
"Lives of the Fathers". Pachomius also had felt the 
same scruples ; and on one occasion he declared that he 
would have burnt a certain heretical book "nisi scirem 
nomen Dei in eo esse conscriptum"J 

How shall we deliver the truth from the rhetorical 
leprosy that devours it ! 

1 Draconea posted as guards of a cell : Migne, XXI, 421 ; a crocodile who 
carries a priest on his back, 430. Cfr. 1 Vita 61 ; vere sanctus cui sic ohediunt 
creaturae = Sulp. Sev. Ep. Ill ; 1478 : qui etiam avibus imperaret ; ib. Dial. 
11, (III 9); 217: Serpentes me audiunt. A leveret and other animals saved: I 
Vila 60-61 = Sulp. Sev. I (II. 9); 191. 

Eulogy of the birds : I Vita 58 ; cfr. Math. VI, 25 seqq. 5. Ambros. Exam. 
V, 1 1 CV. 1 69 seqq. « Aviculae » se in latibulis suis abdunt, canoro occaisum 
diei carmine prosequentes, ne immunis abeat gratiarum, quibus Creatorem suum 
omnis creatura conlaudat. - Asses that bow the knee before the Blessed Sacra- 
ment (Caes. IV, 98) after a brief exhortation from him who carries it. Crows 
that " grutillando " ask of the Abbot liceniiam recedendi from the monastery, 
practically belong to the Order : Caes. X, 58 ; cfr. I Vita 58, 59. Benedixit ipsis, 
signo crucis facto, licentiam tribuit, ut ad locum alium transvolarent ; and Caesarius : 
Elevans manum benedixit eis etc. 

2 I Vita 83. 

3 Migne. LXXIII. 247 : Vita Pach. c. 27. 


No. * 



CERTAIN episodes in the " First Life " merit by, their 
importance, a brief chapter to themselves. If we 
except the 'Stigmata', which have undoubtedly a pro- 
found dogmatic — but, as it appears to me, no pathological 
— signification, all the rest have an indisputable historical 
value. The "Presepio di Greccio" left a vivid impression 
on contemporary records, ' and the fact of the Egyptian 
Mission rests on certain testimony which still remains to us. ^ 

The ceremony of the Presepio and the journey to the 
East should be studied with the design of Celano always 
in mind. 

In his description of the scene at Greccio Thomas does 
not spare the splendours of his magnificent style. Francis 
was inspired to perform the rite by a course of pious 
meditation on Jesus incarnate and crucified. From this 
thought he did not suffer his mind to wander for a mo- 

1 Salimbene, 137, 317. Greccio was the refuge of John of Parma. 

2 Jac. de "Uitriaco, Ep. de captione Dam. in Gesta Dei per Francos ; 161 1 ; 
I, 1149; Frater Franciscus - cum venisset ad exercitum nostrum zelo fldei accen- 
sus, ad exercitum hostium nostrorum ire non timuit et cum .... parum profecisset, 
tunc Soldanus .... ab eo in secreto petit, ut pro se Domino supplicasset, quatenus 
religioni, quae magis Deo placerit, divinitus iitspiratus adhaereret. Jord. c. 10. 


ment. The birth and death of the Redeemer were im- 
printed on his heart. Three years before the end of his 
life Francis, with the aid of a faithful friend, set himself 
to reproduce as exactly as possible the scene of the Na- 
tivity. This he did in Greccio, on the Christmas festival. ^ 
Standing before the Presepio the Saint, clad in the 
ornaments of a Levite — he had deacon's Orders^ — chants 
the Gospel with sonorous voice, and preaches it with that 
marvellous tongue that must really have wrought miracles, 
to the assembled crowds. He feels and tastes an infinite 
sweetness as he pronounces the name of Jesus ; and God 
multiplies his gifts to the Man of Assisi. A quodam viro 
virtutis mirahilis visio cemitur. Videbat enim in praesepio 
puerulum unum, iacentem exanimem. ad quern videbat 
accedere Sanctum Dei et eumdem puerum quasi a somni 
sopore suscitare. Nee inconveniens visio ista, cum puer 
Jesus in multorum cordibus oblivioni fuerit datus in quibus, 
ipsius gratia faciente, per servum suum Franciscum, re- 
suscitatus est, et impressus memoriae diligentiJ There 

1 I Vila 84-7. 

2 I Vita 8. So Durand of Huesca became an acolyte. The functions of 
the diaconate which are canonically adapted to the tendences of the Franciscan 
order are enumerated in Deer. Grat. D. XCIII, 23 (Spurio ; ed. Friedberg 326 ; 
note 217). Reg. Pontif. I No. 636. 

3 I Vita 86 : Saepe . . . cum vellet Christum Jesum nominare, amore flagrans 
nimis eum puerum de Bethleem nuncupabat, et more balantis ovis bethleem dicens 
(Rhetoric again !) os suum voce, sed magis dulci affectione totum implebat. Labra 
sua etiam, cum puerum de Bethleem, vel Jesum nominaret, quasi lambiebat lingua^ 
felici palato degustans et deglutiens dulcedinem verbi huius. Cfr. ib. 82 : Nam 
supra hominum intellectum afficiebatur. cum nomen tuum, sancte Domine, nomi- 
naret ; et totus existens in iubilo ac incunditate castissima plenus . . . Cfr. S. Aug. 
Confess. Ill, 4. CV. 49-50: Quoniam hoc nomen... Domine, hoc nomen Sal- 
vatoris mei ... in ipso adhuc lacte matris tenerum cor meum pie biberat et . . . 
quicquid sine hoc nomine fuisset . . . non me totum rapiebat. S. P. Dam. V. 
Rom. II, 219: Frequenter enim tanta ilium divinitatis contemplatio rapiebat, ut 
quasi totus in lacrymas resolutus, aestuante inenarrabili divini amoris ardore, cla- 
maret : Chare Jesu, chare mel meum dulce, desiderium ineffabile etc. Ille sancto 


were those, then, who beheld the infant Jesus, awakened 
by Francis and given back to the adoration of lukewarm 

Remarking, in passing upon the rhetorical origin of certain 
of Celano's phrases, we too will pause, with the crowds, 
before the Presepio that has been so fruitful in artistic 

Perhaps the relations, still perceptible, between the 
doctrines of the heretics and the preaching of Francis de- 
manded a concrete confutation of the shadow of dogmatic 
errors. It is not enough for Francis to have Sciid that the 
Church of Jesus is not being built but restored; to have 
kissed the 'sacred' hands of the poor priest; to have 
received his mantle from the Bishop of Assisi. An inde- 
finable suspicion of heresy still clings to the Franciscan 
fraternity. ^ Hence the Saint, obedient to the current of 
orthodoxy that dominates his community, celebrates in the 
most solemn manner the Nativity of Jesus, who appears, 
in the form of a lifeless infant to a certain most trustworthy 
witness ! It is the answer to the heretics' blasphemons 
doctrine which held (as we have noticed above) that the 
Redeemer came into the world in an entirely special way ; 
that the Virgin did not really bring him forth, nor was 
his body ever real flesh. This point of dogma (which 
was noted even by the Bolognese glossatores) gave occasion 

Spiritu dictante in jubilum proferebat : nos humano sensu exprimere talia non va- 

I Francis makes confession in public (I Vita 52) ; when dying has read to 
him the Gospel of St. John (ib. 110) which is the favourite of the heretics. 
When he sees a lamb among goats, he says it seems like "Jesus meek and 
humble among the Pharisees and chief priests (ib. 77). The constitution of his 
Order was always opposed (ib. 73). Even in the days of Salimbene the Mino- 
rites were shunned by the other Frati as though they were under the ban of ex- 
comunication (Chr. 374). Cfr, Sbaralea, Bu|l. Franc. I No. 56, 57; a 1231. 


to a continuous succession of miracles identical with that 
of Greccio, which have been collected and expanded by 
the genius of Caesarius of Heisterbach. A priest through 
whose mind heretical doubts were passing, is, by the grace 
of God, permitted to be present (in vision) at the Virgin's 
parturition, and the Mother holds out to him her new-bom 
child, quern (lie, inter hrachia sua colligens ac deosculans 
mysterium intellexit ' The same thing happens to a nun, 
who is allowed to contemplate the babe Jesus wrapped 
in the garments of her Order, in praesepio reclinatus.^ 

In the same miraculous manner are confuted the here- 
tical errors about the sacrament of the Eucharist ; for the 
heterodox held, quite logically, that the " true body and 
blood " of Jesus could not be in the sacrament. 

The narratives of the Fioretti have an entirely similar 
origin, and are therefore unintelligible except in relation to 
the doctrines of those times. ^ Read in a vaguely mystical 
sense, they tell us nothing. Even miracle — indeed, miracle 
more than anything else — must be studied scientifically. 
If contemporary history be not taken into consideration. 

1 VIII. 2. 

2 VIII. 3 cfr. ib. c. 5. 7, 

3 Fior. No. 53. Act. No. 51. Cfr. Caei. IX, 2, 3. 12. 19. 23, 27. 41 
(De sacr. corp. et sang.) Cfr. [Fior . . . Chr.] Cfr. also IX. 32. Caesarius is 
undoubtedly the source of this narrative and of others afterwards included in the 
Actus and the Fioretti. The secondary sources are most diligently adduced by 
Sabatier in his edition of the Actus S. Francisci et sociorum eius. No. 53 of 
the Fioretti is a translation of a fragment of the life of S. Joannes Alvernicola : 
Acta SS. T. II Aug. 466. And in like manner Fior. No. 52. (Act. No. 51). 
corresponds to Caes. VIII, 38 ; Fior. No. 42 (Act. No. 53) come from Caes. 
IX, 30 (Where is given the miracle of the lifting up into the air) and VIII, 2 
(the vision of the Virgin birth alluded to above). A summary index of the sources 
of the Fioretti will be found in Appendix IV. Reference to all the passages 
was impossible, but with the indications given a comparison will be quite easy, 
and — what is more important — convincing. It would be difficult to find a book 
of more varied composition than the famous Fioretti I 


the illusions or creations of the imagination which mark 
certain historic periods — like that of the advance of heresy 
— become quite incomprehensible ; or run the risk of being 
reckoned as mere fairy-tales bursting spontaneously into 
flower in the fertile meadow of ascetic fervour. As a 
matter of fact, this fervour often reflects vsdth great clearness 
the actual sentiments of the period — even to the less popu- 
lar theological doctrines in vogue. ' 

Before turning to the stigmata, it will not be out of 
place to say a word or two about the Egyptian Mission. 
The two facts are logically connected together by a link 
that is very discernible in Celano's writings, and still more 
so in the workings of his mind. 

We do not know much about the Saint's missionary^ 
attempts in Moslem territory : ^ the one thing certain is their 
want of success. And the biographer himself, as he hurries 
over the obscure events of that epoch acknowledges the 
failure without hesitation. ^ On his return from Egypt 
where men would not listen to him, Francis preaches to 
the birds to whom the magic of his voice appeals. Perhaps 
Celano, with his knowledge of every literary artifice, made 
a point of narrating — for love of contrast — the miracle of 
the birds immediately after the return from the fruitless 
mission. It is the constant habit of the Saints to complain 

1 I take as an instance No. 53 of the Fioretti (Act. 52). Giovanni d' AI- 
vernia in celebrating mass pauses at the words : Hoc est corpus meum ; scarcely 
lad he pronounced the sacramental formula when apparuit Dominus Jesus Chr. 
ncamalus et glorificatus. Caesarius (IX, 27) narrates the same thing, and in this 
:aise the transubstantiation occurs after the priest has said the words without adding 
'lie est sanguis etc. The miracle serves, according to Caesarius, to prove that 
he doctrine of Peter of Beauvais (1184) who favoured the pronouncing of the 
louble formula (for ' Body ' and ' Blood ') was not to be received . . . because 
he miracle ignored it I 

2 Sahatier, Vie 247 seqq. 

3 I Vita 55-7; II Vita. 2, \. R. 23. Jord. c. 10 {Voigt. 519). 


of the unwillingness of men to listen to them while even 
serpents, dragons, and still more terrible monsters obey their 
very gestures with the utmost meekness. ^ 

Did Thomas mean that the Saracens were worse than 
dragons and serpents if Francis had spoken and they had 
listened with indifference ? 

From the few words that Jacques de Vitry has left 
us on the subject it would appear that Francis joined the 
Crusaders perhaps with a view reawakening the flagging 
ardour and discipline of the Christians ; and that from the 
camp he afterwards passed over to the enemy for the 
purpose of evangelizing the infidels. But the man who 
comes forth from the ranks of an army to transform himself 
into a peaceful missionary, cannot ever expect great like- 
lihood of success ; for the simple reasom that under the 
preacher's cowl the enemy is sure to be suspected. Did 
the Saint believe, as did many of his contemporaries, that 
the religion of Mohammed was but a kind of Christian 
heresy, and that the good disposition to abandon it was 
but waiting for an impulse from without? It is probable 
that this idea also was among the motives that excited 
him to preach to them. ^ 

Francis, ignorant of the language of the country — though 
indeed the Frankish speech was not unknown among the 
Saracens — wathout the special preparation which mission 

1 Mignt, XXIII. 421. Sxilp. 5ev. Dial. II (III, 9) CV. 207. 

2 Cfr. Sbaralea, Bull. Franc. I N. 82, 106. The French expedition to 
Tunis seems to have been inspired by the idea that the conversion of the Infidels 
would not be difficult! Dante (Inf. XXVIII 35) places Mohammed among the 
schismatics, " seminator di scandalo e di sisma " Peter abbot of Cluny wrote a 
a treatise against the sect of the Saracens {Migne CLXXXIX, 659 seqq.). The 
Spanish Adoptionism of the IX'h century is said have had as its object a strange 
reconciliation between the two creeds. MGH. Leg. Sect. Ill Cone. p. II : Cone. 
Foroiul. a. 796-7; 188. 


work entails, ' would very soon have perceived the absolute 
uselessness of his efforts at evangelizing. Nevertheless Tho- 
|mas, who takes no account at all of the tendencies of the 
fage, sees in the attempt of Saint Francis nothing but the 
fdesire to attain the conventional climax of sainthood — that 
martyrdom which is the summit of the saint's aspirations. 
In this way he assimilates the legend of his hero to the 
no less celebrated legend of Saint Romuald written by 
Saint Peter Damian, '^ and models the figure of Francis on 
the quite ordinary type of saints who always yearn for 
martyrdom without ever achieving it. The man of Assisi 
was to be denied the crimson aureole of the martyr : and 
a legend of a saint who should die peacefully in his bed, 
would lose all fascination, however great might be the 
virtue of the hero and the literary capacity of his biogra- 
pher. Celano avails himself with great cleverness of the 
Egyptian episode, to prove that, if martyrdom did not 
smile upon Francis, the fault was not his ; that he had 
done all in his power to be come a martyr — that, in 
fact there was no real difference between him and an 
actual martyr. The reasonings of Sulpicius Severus and 
of Peter Damian, each of whom, like Thomas, had written 
the life of a man most saintly — but not marfyr — served 
excellently for Celano too. ^ 

1 Caes. IV, 1 5 : Compare, for the discipline of missionary work, the Letter 
of Pope Alexander III in Mansi, XXI, 961. 

2 Op. II, 223 c. 39 : Audiens quia b. vir Bonifacius martyrium suscepisset, 
nimio desiderii igne succensus, ut pro Christo sanguinem funderet, Ungariam mox 
ire disposuit. Cfr. I Vita 55 : Amore divino fervens - perfectionis summam at- 
tingere cupiebat - sacri martyrii desiderio maxime flagrans, ad praedicandam fidem 
Christianam et poenitentiain Saracenis - voluit transfretare. 

3 Sulp. Sev. Ep. II, CV. 143: Nam licet ei ratio temporis non p>otuerit 
praestare (I) martyrium, gloriam tamen martyris non carebit, quia voto atque virtute 
et potuit esse martyr et voluit. Cfr. 5. P. Dam. 1. c. B. secundum intentionem 


The supreme austerity of his life, faithful to the precepts 
of Christ, the hand-to-hand conflicts with the devil ; ^ 
the continual mortifications of the flesh, and, finally, the 
horrible pains of his maladies and of the attempted reme- 
dies, serenely borne — all these represented a veritable mar- 
tyrdom . . . ^ up to a certain point. But blood is blood ; 
and Heaven did not vouchsafe to Francis the longed-for 

The extremely dry narrative of Celano w^as supplement- 
ed by later legend. It was impossible that a man like 
Francis, who had shaken the world and bidden it follow 
him, ^ should not have accomplished great achievements, 
and reaped a harvest even where his word had fallen upon 
soil so sterile as that of Islam, Hence we find in the 
Actus and in the Fioretti an amplified version of the 
episode. And here also the compilers have shewn no ori- 
ginality but made use of the best-known stories and 
legends in fabricating the narrative that has come down 
to us.'^ 

quidem suam martyrium subit. I Vila 92 : Paratusque erat homo etc. Cfr. Greg. 
M. Horn, in Ev. II ; 36, n. 7. (" Martyrdom of desire "). 

1 I Vita 72. Manu ad manum cum diabolo confligebat ; Thomea is here, 
apparently, paraphrasing the 7'^ chapter of the Life of S. Romuald (5. P. Dam. 
II, 209-210). Impugnahat tamen diabolus etc. Fights with the devil are, however, 
too common to allow us to see anything peculiar in those of Saint Francis. 

2 I Vita 1 07 : O martyr, qui ridens et gaudens libentissime tolerabat ; and 
Sulp. Set). Ep. II, 144: Ut laetus ulceribus, congaudensque cruciatibus quaelibet 
inter tormenta risisset. Ep. Ill, 149: O virum ineffabilem etc.; and I Vita 81. 
Saunt Francis sees in the paunful character of his diseetse (I Vita 1 07 a * compen- 
satio' for the martyrdom he had failed to win. 

3 Vita Aegidii. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 236. Fior. No. 49 ; Act. No. 8. 

4 Fior. No. 24 ; Act. No. 27. The episode of the harlot, which has af- 
finities with the ' Vita S. Thaisis : (Rossweyde 374) is taken from Caesarius 
(X, 24 ; Strange, II 24 1 -2 : Gerungus Scholasticus Bonnensis). The rest of the 
legend reminds one of that of the conversion of the Persian king as given in FrC' 
degar. Chron. IV, 9 (MG. SS. Merov. II 125-6 and note 13) cfr. P. Diac. 
Hist. Lang. IV, 50 (MG. SS. rer. lang. et italicarum 1 37 note 2). In point of 


Celano was not content, however with the new species 
of martyrdom for Francis : and so he prepares us very 
frankly for the miracle of the stigmata, in the following 
words : in omnibus his Dominus ipsius desiderium non im- 
plevit, praerogativam illi reservans gratiae singularis. ^ The 
"singular prerogative" — need one say it? — is the renewal 
in the Saint of the martyrdom of Golgotha. 

I am not unacquainted with the medical literature on 
the subject of the stigmata ; and I can believe also that 
the pathological phenomena in the Saint's person may have 
given the first impulse to the creation of the miracle — or 
rather, to express myself more exactly, may have furnished 
the incidental elements. But, since we ought by this time 
to know who Thomas of Celano was, and after what fashion 
he wrote, (and it is to him that we owe the first narra- 
tive of the fact, that became the official text) ^ — we shall 
realise that the literaiy genesis of the miracle is likely to 
bring us closer to the truth than the pathological. At the 
same time we must be on our guard against a pedantic 
exaggeration of historical criticism. 

The conception of the miracle itself, most easy of in- 
terpretation, tells us much. That such a thing should be 
attributed to the Saint, presupposes in him something 
extraordinary — something, one might venture to say, super- 

facth le Armenian bishop Domitian did not succeed in converting the king (Greg. 
I Ep. Ill, 42), but pious tradition took hold of the fruitless attempt, and developed 
the legend after its own taste. The incomhustihilily of the cheiste is simply the 
' judgement of God ' miraculously shewn. Cfr. Vita S. Joan. Eleem. c. 46 : Migne, 
LXXIII, 46 : Sicut nee tunicam hanc meam incenderunt prunae istae, ita nee ego 
agnovi peccatum mulieris. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla No. 212, 245, 246, 247. 

1 1 Vita 57. 

2 Luc. Tudens. in Bibl. Max. Patrum XXV, 224. In manibus et pedibus 
b. F. quatuor apparuerunt signa clavorum etc. Scriptum quippe reperitur in ejus 
legenda etc. This is the Legend before Thomas touched it. 



human. Francis is, in truth, the Christ of Italy. ' The 
ruthless efforts made by his biographers to reduce his fi- 
gure to the modest dimensions of a conventional saint 
were not entirely successful. Not even Thomas could 
remain untouched by the universal feeling. He who had 
been a perfect imitator of Jesus Christ, and had Christ's 
own soul, wdde open to the infinite love — he must needs 
be presented to the pious devotion of all with the torn 
and bleeding flesh of the Crucified. And a variety of 
particular circumstances combined to make Thomas (or 
those whose ideas he was pledged to interpret) see in the 
broken body of Francis a supreme resemblance to the 
God-Man. If deception there was, it must not be im- 
puted to the cold astuteness of Bro. Elias, nor entirely 
to the fervid imagination of Thomas ; still less to the Saint, 
who most probably repudiated (if there was need to do 
so) so divine an interpretation of the pathological stigmata 
wherewith he was afflicted. ^ The most ingenious narra- 
tive is that which issued from the mouth (not from the pen) 
of Bro. Leo, and is related with equal candour by Sa- 

Bro. Leo told Salimbene that when the body of Francis 
was washed for burying " videbatur rectus sicut unus cru- 
cifixus*\^ And the expression, called forth by the pitiable 
spectacle of a body which bears, over and above the work 
of death, traces of the martyrdom of a long illness, is still 

1 I Vita 89. Missus est hie a Deo, ut universaliter per totum mundum apo- 
stolorum exemplo testimonium perhiberet veritati. 

2 Certainly we are not to think of a vulgar trattooing such as was not infre- 
quent among the Manicheans {Vict. Vit. Hist, persec. Vand. MG. 13) other 
sacred tattooings are mentioned in Cedren, Hist, in Corp. SS. Hist. Byz, Bonn. 
II, 149. Few saw the stigmata while the Saint was alive: I Vita 96. 

3 Chr. 75. 


in popular use in Italy today. May not this have been 
the nucleus out of which, little by little, the new miracle 
was evolved ? The final touch, which gave the episode 
its classical form, is doubtless that of Celano whose business 
it was to coordinate it with the entire scheme of his la- 
boured narrative. Celano found the road made smooth 
before him to reach, so to speak, dogmatically, the expla- 
nation of this greatest of the Saint's miracles. 

It had been already remarked that heretics could look 
upon the Crucifix without much emotion. The pains of 
the man, they held, could not affect the Divine Nature 
which had not, even upon the wood of the cross, partici- 
pated in the frailty of the flesh. In the orthodox, vene- 
ration for the God-Man was intensified by this heretical 
disparagement of the sorrowful majesty of Calvary. ^ To 
weep with floods of hot tears for the Passion of the Re- 
deemer became the sign of the greatest grace, even as, to 
the gay scepticism of the succeeding age, it earned con- 
tempt as a mark of hypocrisy. "^ Francis, according to the 
narrative of Thomas a second Augustine, to whom God 
disclosed His will by the opening of the sacred books, ^ 
is meditating upon the Passion of Jesus. And he sees 
De/ nirum unum quasi Seraphim sex alas habentem, 
stantem super se, manihus extensis ac pedibus coniunctis 

1 Greg. M. XII, in c. 15 Job ; n. 30 : Sunt.... qui Deo se iniuriam irrogare 
existimant. . . . si unch veraciter, pro nobis, came mori potuisse crediderint. 

2 Caes. II, 23 ; cfr. I, 35. The ecstasy of the Brethren in saying Mass, 
clumsily described in Fioretti No. 53 (cfr. Actus No. 51), is an emotion of no 
different kind. These narratives also are derived from Caesarius, IX, 27, 32. 
Thorn. II Vita I, 6 : Spec. c. 92. Decamerone, Giorn. IV Nov. 2 : Sempre 
all' altare, quando celebrava. se da molti era vedulo, piangeva la passione del 
Salvatore, si come colui al quale poco costavano le lagrime, quando le voleva. 

3 I Vita 92, 93. Cfr. 5. Aug. Confess. VII, 12. Vita Ant. Migne. LXXIII, 
127. Fior. No. 2; Act. 1 § 10 seqq. 


crucis affixum. After the vision he finds himself with 
" the round marks in his hands standing out externally after 
the fashion of bent nails, and with the wound in his side ". ' 
Francis was crucified like his Master. 

In the Seraphin Francis saw himself, not the God-Man. 
The interpretation comes to us from Gregory the Great : 
Et sunt nonnulli qui supemae contemplationis facihus ac- 
censi, in solo conditoris sui desiderio anhelant, amant et 
ardent, atque in ipso suo ardore requiescunt, amando 
ardent, loquendo et alios accendunt, et quos verbo tangunt, 
ardere protinus in Dei amore faciunt. Quid ergo istos 
nisi Seraphim dixerim ? ^ Have we not in these words 
a portrait of Saint Francis ? Celano, who was so familiar 
vsdth the writings of Saint Gregory, read the passage to 
some purpose, and remembered it as he was describing 
the vision, which is certainly all his own ! 

It was not only the revived devotion to our Lord's 
Passion — there were other elements also that combined to 
bring into being the legend of the stigmata. Saint Paul 
had said : Ego enim stigmata Domini in corpore meo porto. ^ 
And monastic literature, in its exhortations to the ascetic 
life, lays down that the monk must be crucified with Christ, 
repeating Saint Paul's words. Upon the trophy of the 
cross, symbol at once of victory and of mortification, whoso 
renounces the world must hang, as the Saviour hung. ^ 

1 I Vita 93. 94, 95. 

2 Horn, in Evang. II, 34 No. 1 1 . 

3 Gal. VI. 17. 

4 Migne. LXXIII. 891 - Cassian. Insf. VI. 64. CV. 72 : Quemadmodum. 
vivens. quis possit esse crucifixus ?.... S. Greg. M. In prim. Reg. VI, 3. n. 25: 
Qui Jesum vult praedicando ostendere, per mortificationem carnis debet eius, quern 
praedicat, passiones imitari S. P. Dam. Ep. VI, 22. Op. I 103. Cruce omnis 
religio Christianorum depingitur. Illic te simul cum Christo suspende ; cfr. II, 119 
seqq. Sermo 47, 48. — Praeferimus igitur Crucem in fronte. Crux est, quam mo- 


Insensibly we pass from the symbolic to the actual. S. 
Domenico called "il Loricato" not only bore on his body 
the stigmata of Jesus, but actually painted on his brow 
and imprinted on every part of his body the ensign of the 
cross. ' Art was come to the aid of faith. Caesarius, for 
whom a very thin line separates the real from the sym- 
bolical, writes that a monk's right hand ought to be pierced 
with the nail of obedience, his left with that of patience, 
his feet with that of humility. ^ A little step further and 
we reach the real stigmata. Meditating in the choir on 
the Blessed Trinity, a novice crucem fronti suae imprimi 
sensit, et puto (suggests the writer) quod eadem hora 
cogitaret de passione. ^ The novice of Hemmerode is thus 
Saint Francis' predecessor in the prodigy. Another — a lay 
brother — sees Jesus crucified in company with fifteen 
Brethren of most perfect life. The Lord speaks to him from 
the cross: "These only, crucified with me, have conformed 
their life to my Passion".'^ Material signs of Divine grace 
are craved and obtained. A poor rustic had his foot cut 
off by a tyrannical nobleman : the victim could not resign 
himself either to the monastic life or to his misfortune, until 
God made of him a veritable Job. But the miracle does 
not keep him waiting long; gangrene developes — the signum 
J oh in corpora — and the new Job dies contented. ^ 

ribus et actibus nostris debemus imprimere. Qui banc portat, passionem Redemptoris 
sui vere communicat. 

1 S. P. Dam. Op. II 240. And doubtless Domenico himself inflicted the 
wounds after the form of a cross, in order that the raised cicatrice might indicate 
the symbol. He was a poor maniac who in our days would have been put into 
an asylum. 

2 VIII, 19 (De cruciiixione religiosorum). 

3 VIII, 23. 

4 VIII, 18. 

5 XI, 18. 


Thomas knew where to look for his inspirations. The 
legend of the stigmata was already quite formed ; it only 
remained for him to adapt it to Francis, interpreting the 
signification of the words with devotion and learning. God 
had but denied to the Saint the prize of martyrdom in 
order to make him worthy to suffer, unique among men, 
the torture of the cross. 

After the Divine marks, and the other martyrdom of the 
disease and the cruel cure by fire, death brought him his 
final repose. The "Poor Women", followers of Francis' 
evangelical life, weep over the body of the Saint. Rome 
herself is stirred with emotion. Assisi becomes the centre 
of Christendom, when Gregory IX, with the splendid court 
of the Church's princes announces there the new glory of 
the Faith, and visits the abject and humble Carcerate, 
faithful to the word and the example of their lost Brother. ^ 

In Franciscan history and legend Saint Clare and her 
sisters could not be forgotten. If the movement of Assisi 
had some sort of connexion with an impulse not entirely 
orthodox, that would explain perfectly how it is that woman 
has left so vivid an impress on the records of the original 
and independent Franciscan fraternity. As late as 1216 
Jacques de Vitry when describing the beginnings of the 
Ordo Minorum, adds at once certain remarks about the 
manner of life of the " Poor Women ", who live together, 
collected in various hospitia. They receive nothing, he 
says, but live by the work of their own hands, only annoyed 
by the extreme honour accorded to them alike by eccle- 
siastics and by the laity. "^ 

1 I Vita 117 sq. 122. 

2 Sahatier, Speculum 300. Not being completely at home in mediaeval 
diction, this writer takes hospitium to mean "hospital", and so makes the Cla- 


Karl Muller remarked some time ago that the XIP^ 
chapter of the Old Rule, by which women are excluded, 
must imply a contrary practice in the period anterior to 
the Rule : nor does Sabatier disagree with him. ' We 
may conclude, then, that the entire hraternity, in its older 
form, was simply a group of '' evangelici*' of both sexes; 
with no idea of constituting two distinct Orders, as was 
afterwards done when Francis had been induced to attach 
himself to the Church and the Church's head. Parallel 
to the Minorites was constituted the Rule of the " Povere 
Donne " ; a circumstance which necessarily implies that the 
other, male nucleus, was originally formed of ** Poor Men 
of Assisi ". The name tells us all ! 

Notwithstanding the severity of the rules dictated by 
the monastic spirit, there persists in the Legend a sug- 
gestion of sweet and confidential relations between the 
'' Povere*' and the ''^overi". We need not imagine 
a romance of love in the ordinary sense of the word : but 
it is none the less true that the mystic smile of a woman 
brightens the austere life of the Saint. Clare, like Francis, 
is a "precious stone", and on her as foundation rises the 
new Religio of the "Poor Women".'' She follows her 
spiritual brother in every act and thought — in humility, in 
poverty, in the most fervent eucharistic devotion. The Life 
of Saint Clare was written, not later than 1261, by in- 
vitation of Pope Alexander IV ; ^ but if I am not mistaken, 

rissae " des soeurs hospitali^res " (296). Hospitium means simply " place of habi- 
tation ". On the origin of the Clarissae see the writings of Lempp, in Brieger's 
Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte XIII, 181 seqq. and in XIV, 97 seqq., an histo- 
rical commentary by Rohricht on the letter quoted from Jacques de Vitry. 

1 Vie de s. Frangois, 181. 

2 Thorn. I Vita 18. 

3 Acta SS. T. II Aug. 754 seqq. 


our Thomas of Celano, cannot be even suspected of its 
authorship; so many and so serious are the divergences 
betvy^een it and the first biography of Saint Francis. The 
frequent imitations of Celano' s style — which are observable 
also in the Legend of Saint Bonaventure and the Life of 
Aegidius — are to be attributed solely to the celebrity of 
Thomas' work, ' which greatly influenced the hagiographers of 
the period, who were only too glad to select from his rheto- 
rical treasury the most beauteous gems they could find. ^ 
Whatever may be the history of the MSS which give 
us the biography of the socia of Francis, if one takes up 
and studies, as it stands, the text of the Bollandists, some 
important conclusions are reached. In it, as we have said, 
remain, vivid and fresh, indications of the original familia- 
rity between ^overi and ^overe, in striking contrast wdth 
the traditional rules of the cloister, that were inspired if 
not by hatred of woman, at any rate by fear of one who 
was looked upon as sure ally of the devil. The biogra- 
pher, however, prudently takes pains to reduce to moderate 
limits the reciprocal visits of the two Saints, in order to 
avoid unkind public gossip.^ Yet the influence exercized 
by Francis on ihe career of the noble maiden, was too 
great to permit that little or nothing should be said. Coura- 
geous and sure of her faith, the virgin friend of Poverty 
ran to the Porziuncula, and subsequently made her home 
in that church of Saint Damian which was associated with 
the conversion of Saint Francis.'^ 

1 Sabatier, Speculum LXXV ; Gotz, 240 seqq. 

2 Acta cit. n. 10 (756). A passage of the Second Life of Celano is refer- 
red to. I, 6 ; Rosedale, 1 3. 

3 No. 5, 6. 7 ; (755-6). 

4 No. 8-10 (755-6). 


Strangely enough, Innocent III who had dealt in such 
surly fashion with the company of the "Poor Men", signs 
with a cheerful smile the Brief of the privilege of the fe- 
male Order. ' 

In the biography of the Mother of the Poor Clares, 
and also in the Actus and the Fioretti many marvellous 
events are, naturally, related. If we work back to the 
sources which directly inspired them — since the legend of 
Saint Clare forms part of the larger cycle of the legend of 
Saint Francis — we shall succeed not only in understanding 
the motive of the man who repeated those miracles in 
connexion with his heroine, but in adding also a fresh element 
of criticism to those which we have collected so far. 

The Legend of Saint Clare preserves vivid reminiscen- 
ces of the Dialogues of Saint Gregory and of the Life of 
Saint Radegunda. The two themes which principally fi- 
gure in it are the exaltation of the virtues of Saint Clare, 
which correspond to those of Saint Francis, and the more 
delicate subject of their familiar intercourse with one another. 

Poverty, humility, and the most fervent devotion to the 
holy Eucharist: these are the notes on which the biographer 
specially dwells. Saint Radegunda sweeps the monastery, 
not disdaining the most servile offices within the cloister, 
she washes and kisses the feet of the poor, and cleanses 
the sores of the diseased: so too does the Virgin Saint of 
Assisi ; ^ and in order that Francis may not be inferior 

1 No. 14 (755-6). 

2 MG. SS. antiquiss. IV, 2. Ven. Fortun. Vita s. Radeg. c. 23, 24 (44-5) 

e MG. SS. merov. 11, 372 ; I, c. 23, 24. Ergo.... scopans monasterii plateas 

quidquid erat foedum purgans, et ante sarcinans quod aliis horret videre, non 

abhorrebat evehere.... ferens foetores credebat se minorem sibi, si se non no- 

bilitaret vilitate servitii Humilitate sanctissima pedes iavans et osculans. Cfr. 

V. 8. Clarae No. 12 (752) : sue illo nobili spiritu, nee sordida fugiens, nee (oetida 


in humility to his spiritual sister, the Speculum is careful 
to represent him in the act of sweeping out churches. ^ 

The story of the intercourse between the two saints 
offered more serious difficulties. Salimbene heard it Sciid 
often that the Minorites were fond of seeing ladies ; ' and 
certainly the saying was a natural consequence of the old 
state of things. In the heretical world, or at any rate 
within the sphere of its influence, the old ascetic ideal and 
the cult of virginity removed, as in the primitive Christian 
communities, every motive of impurity from the relations 
between "Brethren" and "Sisters". Only the unkind 
imagination of the orthodox was apt to revive against the 
heretics those old charges brought by the pagans against 
the first followers of Jesus. With the approval of the two 
Rules the rigid claims of the monastic spirit made them- 
selves felt, and certain familiarities were no longer allowed. 
Traces of such a change are to be noted in the Legend 
of Saint Clare. When the papal injunction aimed at 
prohibiting the customary visits of the frati to the suore, 
this meekest of Saints all but rebelled against the Pontiff, 
as though she felt that the sweet fraternity of life and 
thought had been outraged by the intrusion of an unworthy 
suspicion. ^ 

The biographer (or possibly, some later editor of the 
Life of Saint Clare), describes the banquet of SS. Francis 
and Clare at Saint Mary of the Angels, with many re- 

1 Spec, c. 56, 57 : Coepit (ecclesiam) scopare humiliter et mundare. 
Sabatier (op. cit. 105 n. I) says that from the story of the conversion of John 

(of which we shall speak further on ; cfr. II Vita III, 1 20) Celano, embarrase 
pour montrer s. Francois bala^ant les eglises, has suppressed this particular, con- 
sidering it lacking in dignity. 

2 Chr. 214. 

3 Vita s. Clarae, No. 37 (762). 


miniscences of the Gregorian Dicdogues. In those Dialo- 
gues one reads that Saint Benedict went to visit his sister, 
who had been dedicated to God from her earliest infancy. 
Short is the day to those devoted souls ; nightfall surprises 
Benedict and Scholastica still at table and ever in ecstasy. 
But the Saint may not pass the night outside his cloister, 
and his sister tries in vain to keep him with her. Op- 
portunely a sudden storm prevents Benedict's return to the 
monastery ; Scholastica is contented — and the Rule is saved. 
Hence the patriarch of the Minorites may sup with his 
" spiritual sister". ' 

Again, in the Speculum there is a vivid reflexion of 
the old Franciscan spirit, impatient of monkish propriety 
and circumspection. Francis desires, before his death, to 
see Madonna Jacopa dei Settesogli once more ; and he 
writes to her. The Brethren hesitate to let a lady in, but 
the Saint cuts short all doubts with the words : " The 
Rule which excludes women must not be observed in the 
case of one whom so great faith and devotion have caused 
to come to me from such distant parts''.^ Satan is no 
longer to be dreaded in woman's piety. The light of the 
sun, the beauty of flowers, the consolation of a woman's 
smile — none of these are banished from the religion of 
Francis. ^ 

Saint Clare — at any rate in her Legend — preserves the 
saintly dignity of the "Poor Sister" of ancient days. To 

1 Vita cit. No. 43-45 (762-3); Fior. No. 15; Actus, No, 15. Cfr. Dial. 
II, 33. Not even Gregory is original. The great saints often have a sister a nun. : 
Migne, LXXIII, 759, 760-1 ; cfr. 248. 

2 Spec. c. 112. Cfr. Actus, No. 18, ed. Sabatier 62 n. 2. Miracula, ed. 
Rosedaie, 124-6. 

3 Saint Dominic, on the contrary, exhorts the Brethren to be on their guard 
against the perils of the ju\>enculae foeminae : SS. Ord. Praed. ford. c. 40 ; I, 40. 


the Pope's entreaty that she will accept some earthly pos- 
sessions she replies by proudly clinging to her evangelic 
faith.' A fugitive suggestion of heretical "Communion" 
flashes out in one episode of her life. The Pope enjoins 
her to bless the bread on the table : it is the supreme 
authority of the Church, which all but yields the poor virgin 
the august privilege of consecrating the Eucharist. That 
sign of the Cross which, by the virtue of Saint Clare, works 
so many miracles, is a repetition of that used by the monk 
Martirius of the Valerian province. Clare makes the sign 
at a distance, and the cross impresses itself on the bread. ^ 
Another miracle — that of the oil that refills the vessel, is 
copied from the Dialogues of Gregory I. ^ The clever 
selection of the miracles, and their signification, illuminate 
for us many another narrative that would otherwise be 
drily historical. 

1 Vita 8. Clarae, No. 14, (756). The Pope goes so far as to offer to relejise 
her from the vow of poverty, and speaks to her of the necessities of life, in op- 
position to the ideal. Here one is reminded of rhe Bull Quo elongati, which 
bends the Rule of the Minorites to meet the stem exigencies of deiily life. 

2 Vita cit. No. 43-5 (763). Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. I, 11. The miracle is 
repeated (with other circumstances) in the Vita S. Sym. Sali, Acta SS. II lul. 164. 

3 Dial. II, 29. 



IT will not be necessary to repeat the history of the 
' Second Life ' of Saint Francis, the child of the bio- 
grapher's old age. What has been done already is suf- 
ficient for our purpose, and further researches will remove 
the obscurity which still lingers over certain points connected 
with it. ^ Meanwhile, however, we may at once observe 
that to call the work in question "Second Life" is a mode 
of expression that may lead to misunderstanding. The 
writer entitled his book : ** Memoriale in desiderio animae 
de gestis et verbis sanctissimi patris nostri Francisci " ; ^ 
and Memoriale has a signification quite precise, which di- 
ligent study will determine with certainty. In the prologue 
is recorded the decision of the General Chapter of 1 244 
which entrusted the task of writing the deeds and words 
of the Saint " to him who, more than any other had op- 
portunities of knowing Francis, in virtue of constant inter- 
course and mutual familiarity". And the vote of the 
Chapter had its fulfilment about the year 1 247 with the 

1 Ehrle, n Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theol. VII, 393 seqq. Gotz. 88 seqq. Miiller, 
Anfange 175 seqq. Sabalier, Vie LXXIII seqq. Speculum CXVI seqq. Voigt, 
1. c. 455 seqq. For the MSS., Roiedale, XXVI seqq. 

2 Pro!. R. 8. 


appearance of the work which we are now to study. The 
Order, after the serious vicissitudes which agitated the 
Franciscan brotherhood, culminating in the fall of Bro. Elias, 
(which left the field open for a more decisive action on the 
part of the Church) has recourse once more to the official 
biographer. And he points out the reason of this new 
task — the intimacy with which he had been honoured by 
the Saint. The Lives of the Saints, as we know, were 
in each case invariably written by the favourite of the hero ; 
and so, true or untrue, this declaration of Celano was in- 
dispensable, to give greater value to the narrative. ^ To do 
him justice, however, we must remember that in all pro- 
bability he lived for no short time in close intercourse 
with Francis, after his return from Germany. 

He had already been honoured by a papal command 
to compose the first biography of the Saint ; he was a man 
endowed with gifts of mental ability, culture and imagi- 
nation ; he had shewn himself obedient to Bro. Elias, to 
Gregory IX, to whoever was, for the time being. Minister 
of the Order. Such a man was not likely to be touchy 
or indignant at this new proposal. Rhetorician, sceptic, 
serene plagiarist, full of enthusiasm for his subject, he was 
one who know his business and performed it with complete 
tranquility and self-possession. Would he have thought 
that even the dead ashes of his cold composition would 
be fanned into flame by the hot blast of zealous partizan- 
ship ? It is not indignation only that produces verses ; 
sometimes she finds them already made and presses them 
into her service ! 

I Sulp. Set). Ep. II, CV. 144-5. Cum me indignum et non merentem unice 
(Marlinus) diligebat. S. Bern. Vita a. Malachiae (Op. II, 664) : Me inter spe- 
ciales amicos Sanctus ille habebat etc. 



The gentle figure of the "Poverello" had already dis- 
appeared twenty years back ; and with it had gone the 
ideals rediscovered in the Gospel and in the heart of 
Francis. The great fire had burned down, and left little 
trace behind. A " monastic Order ", tamed by the Church 
and loyal to her, but penetrating into her very fibres, the 
"Poveri d'Assisi" had effected a reunion between the 
imposing institution of monasticism and the humble ones 
of the earth ; but they had sacrificed themselves to do so. 
The mystic marriage between Francis and the Lady Po- 
verty had been followed by the nuptials of the new religio 
with the Papacy. Preachers and Minorites had henceforth 
an official mission. All was over. 

A learned Capuchin has a quarrel with Miiller, and 
with all those who (according to his opinion), have misin- 
terpreted the real significance of the Franciscan Order. 
And formally he is right. The Franciscans do not constitute 
either an Ordo monasticus or an Ordo heremiticus, but 
simply an Order approved by the Church. ' All this was 
known also to our Celano ; ^ but it does not affect the fact 
that the Order, sui generis though it be, belongs to the 
category of institutions that must be called monastic. I say 
nothing of the prohibition of new Rules in the Fourth La- 
teran Council, because the Franciscan Order had already 
been approved before that. And as a matter of fact our 
Order possesses, essentially, the monastic spirit. Further, 

1 Felder, Op. c. 5 note. 

2 R. 90. De charitate. (To avoid tedious repetitions, it will be better to 
announce once for all that the letter R. followed by a page-number refers to 
the 'Second Life' according to the text of Rosedale. As for St. Gregory's 
distinction (Ep. Ill, 61) it is perfectly admissible: he who enters the ranks of 
the clergy would mutare, non relinquere saeculum ; he who be comes a monk 
omnia relinquit. 


the decadence of the old Rules is explained by the impetus 
of the new Franciscan Society which in its near approach 
to them appropriates all that they still retain of vitality. 

The monastic and clerical world sees new and formidable 
rivals in the Franciscans. As in the days of St. Peter 
Damian, so also in those of Salimbene, the secular priests 
complain that the monks and friars are usurping the 
spiritual ministry which belongs of right to the parochial 
clergy. ' Even canonistic terminology must yield to hard 
facts. Rules for the admission of novices, provincial and 
general ministers and chapters corresponding — these are so 
many items of a monastic constitution which, like a fine 
net, wrapped around, disciplined and corrected the once 
free society of Assisi. And that society was constrained to 
turn a more sympathetic face upon the smiles of science, 
in order to escape the imputation of a "blessed ignorance" 
such as would disqualify it for the functions which were 
imposed on it. ^ Neither the last Rule, nor the Patriarch's 
" Testament", nor even Celano's First Life sufficed to create 
and maintain the spirit of the Order which had become 
a world-wide institution. The Life of their founder, 
written by Gregory the Great, was recognised by the Be- 
nedictines as being, after the Rule itself, the Book of the 
Order, par excellence. ^ The didactic and moral treatises 
after the model of Cassian's works ; and that more unsys- 
tematic and confused group put together — not without risk 
of dogmatic errors — with the aid of the Liher de Vitis 

I Salimbene, Chr. 210; S. Pier Dam. Op. Ill, 261 seqq. 
^ Salimbene, 1 08 : Dicunt etiam quod transierunt per homines ydiotas, quando 
transeunt per loca fratrum tninorum. 

3 5. P. Dam. Op. II, 20 : (Horn. IX ad hon. S. Bened.). 


Patrum failed to correspond to the new needs. ^ Already 
in his first biography Thomas had written of Francis with 
his eye ever upon the ancient records of monasticism ; and 
now, carrying on his former work with the fresh inspiration 
offered by the Chapter of 1 244, with its expression of a 
true idea, it was not difficult to create what was required, 
vi : — a manual of monastic perfection, a Speculum Per- 
fectionis after the ideals of Franciscanism. 

Well, the Second Life of Celano is a true and proper 
Speculum Perfectionis. And so Thomas must needs draw 
more than ever upon Gregory the Great. ^ On this point 
we could not wish for words more explicit than those of 
the Prologue: Extimo autem beatum Franciscum SPECU- 

tarn verba, quam facta divinum quoddam divinitus redolent, 
quae si diligentem habeant inspectorem, humilemque disci- 
pulum, cito salutaribus disciplinis imbutum summae illi 
philosophiae reddunt acceptum. 

The monk should be a "Mirror of Perfection";^ and 
perfection is attcuned by studying the books that teach it;"* 

1 On the liber Visionum, a source of Caesarius of Heisterbach : Schombach, 
in Sitzungsber, cit. Bd. CXXXIX, 1 1 9-20. A book called Consuetudo hererni 
is mentioned in a document in Ann. Camald. IV app. No. 218 (359); an. 218. 

2 In despatching his Regula Pastoralis to the bishop of Ravenna, Gregory I 
(Ep. I, 24 a) writes : Pulchrum depinsi hominem, pictor foedus. 

3 Migne, LXXIII, 927 : Peregrinus monachus speculum debet esse localibus 
monachis. Cfr. Ann. Camald. IV app. No. 218 an. 1216: Vos speculum totius 
Tuscie.... Ch. hid. Eiym. XIX, 31, 18 (ed. Lindemann 612): Dictum autem 
speculum.... quod ibi contuentes (feminae) considerent speciem sui vultus, et 
quicquid ornamenti desse viderint adiiciant, Greg. M. Moral. II, 1. : Scriptura 
sacra mentis oculis, queisi quoddam speculum opponitur etc. 

4 Cassian, Inst. Mon. CV. 6. Prol. The writer proposes to discourse « non de 
mirabilibus Dei, sed de correctione morum nostrum et consummatione vitae per- 

FECTAE etc. ». 


even the Minorite, therefore, has need of a book; and 
Thomas provides him w^ith one calculated to meet all exi- 
gencies, a book that has had a most remarkable success. 
A little groping in the manual, and the origin of his matter 
is quickly found. I venture to say that you must close 
your eyes in order not to see it — a method appropriate, 
perhaps to ecstatic contemplators, but very odd in those who 
are historians by profession. With closed eyes we may 
have an excellent view of the things inside us, but not of 
those without! 

The three parts of the book, harmonious in its subdi- 
visions, are inspired by well-known themes. It begins 
with the "example** of the Saint's conversion and the 
history of the Order; next follow further "examples" of 
the gifts and graces of the Patriarch, on which all — from 
the novice to the General Minister — should model their 
own conduct. The Saint*s death itself is an "example" 
of a good end ; and that solemn moment is coldly exploited 
by didactic rhetoric, on the principle that the word of the 
d5ang man is specially weighty and memorable, as gathering 
up in a single phrase the secret of a pious existence. This 
is why Celano repeats, with variations, the scene of the 
death of Francis. ^ 

If only the book were as faithful to fact as it is loyal 
to the idea which animates it throughout! Often, if not 
always, the very style pulls itself together, as it were, and 
the pompous solemnity of the First Life gives place to a 
simplicity less involved alike in diction and in thought. But 
as soon as the writer has made himself master of the reader*s 

I Compare the lengthy sermon uttered by the dying S. Severinus, ed. cit. c. 
43 (49-50) and R. 104. 


mind and has allured him, so to speak, with the bait of 
a narrative of things true or plausible, by a clever sleight-of- 
hand he substitutes for Francis a puppet from the familiar 
oriental repertoire. We are in the Chapter of Temptations 
and I w^ill not attempt to resist them ! 

Naked amid the snow the Saint quenches the flames 
of impure desire : then he forms of the white material seven 
figures that represent wife, children and servants. It is the 
family that he has granted to his disconsolate solitude. He 
says to himself : " Hasten to clothe them, for, as thou seest 
they are dying of cold ! If the cares of a family prove 
so heavy for thee, serve God alone, and thon shalt have 
neither care nor anxiety". Celano is a man of honour. 
He adds that one of the ** spiritual " brethren, intent on 
prayer saw all, by the bright light of the moon that flooded 
the garden, but refrained from revealing it to any one during 
Francis' life-time. He had promised the Saint to be 
silent, and kept his word. Alas! the poor "spiritual 
brother" was the victim of a strange illusion. He read 
a book — and thought he saw Saint Francis in a garden ! 
It was the moon, no doubt that deceived him. It was 
clay not snow in which the "potter" wrought to reduce 
the rebellious flesh by his artistic exertions. ' 

The beginning and the end of the manual of perfection 
preserve, up to a certain point, the narrative form ; but in 
the body of the book the life of Francis is decomposed 
into a series of pictures corresponding to the various virtues 
presented for imitation. True even when cut up into 
fragments the figure does not cease to coruscate ; but its 

R. 64 and Migne, LXXIII. 747. 


lightnings, which might else be dangerous, are tempered 
by monastic prudence. ' 

Thomas describes the immense activity of his hero. 
Every word the Saint utters is a wise admonition, every 
act is a gem of teaching. From Bari to Alessandria, 
from the noblest cities of Italy to its obscurest villages he 
passes, preaching and blessing. He composes discord, he 
corrects and sanctifies, he sings praises to God continually, 
without ceasing. Diseases rack his frame ; he subdues them 
by the serenity of his spirit. On his death-bed he reserves 
his last smile of satisfaction for the "loan" of a wretched 
garment which enables him to escape from the odious con- 
ception of "property": and so the dream of heaven brought 
down to earth, which had flashed across his mind as across 
the ardent fancy of Chrysostom, finds its climax ... in 
the terms of a contract ! ^ As one reads and reads over 
again the Memoriale of Celano a new impression forces 
itself upon one. No ! it is not always Francis who stands 
before us. He who peers craftily into the poor heart of 
the novice to discern the templations of youth not yet re- 
signed to the denial of love ; he who, like an old anchorite 
curbs rigidly the impulses of human passion and stands 
immoveable during the recitation of the psalter^ this is not 
the friend of the flowers and of the sun ; it is a crabbed 
abbot, escaped from his own ruined cloister and sum- 

1 Cfr. R. 31; II, 14: The Saint is described almost as a recluse who hates 
the light and the world. 

2 R. 107 III, 139. Cfr. Pohlmann, Gesch. des antiken Kommunismus und 
Sozialismus 1901 : II, 617. 

3 R. Ill, 39. Spec. perf. c. 94 (186) : nolebat muro, vel parieti, dum psalleret, 
adhaerere.... sed semper erectus. Migne, LXXIII, 258. V. Pach. c. 14:Non 
iacens somnum capiebat noctibus, sed in medio cellulae suae residens, adeo ut nee 
dorsum saltem parieti, pro substentatione reclinaret. 


moned to teach, in the blessed Porziuncula the difficult art 
of ruling soul and body. 

What a wealth of cleverness and of scepticism are to 
be found in this book, which is a chef d' oeuvre — possibly 
the chef d' oeuvre of monastic imposture in the thirteenth 
century — entwined like clinging ivy round the little plant 
of Assisi! What are the innocent literary frauds of the 
learned Hincmar in comparison with these of Celano ? ^ 

The manual must needs correspond to its lofty purpose, 
certain images out of the First Life must disappear — they 
were obsolete survivals. The memories of the Saint's gay 
youth, those of Bro. Elias ; the fresh idyll of the joyous 
band on its way back from Rome; the sharp vivacity of 
certain expressions, and the calm indifference to the flatteries 
of vain erudition. 

In the presence of the Povere Donne d' Assisi it was 
prudent that the Saint should now droop his eyes, in order 
that novices should not get into the habit of lifting theirs 
too high, but should cultivate a certain self-restaint. In 
the first Legend there stood out the figure of a beauteous 
virgin, sketched with masterly swiftness, free from all rhe- 
torical rubbish with which Celano's clever art might have 
overlaid it. It is the figure of " Evangelic Poverty ". 
Chastely secure in her absolute nakedness, she flashed with 
sparkling light. In 1 230 a mantle was thrown over her 
naked limbs — the mantle of the Bull "Quo elongati" :'' 
and this vesture cried out to be embroidered with subtle 
juridical and canonical conceptions. 

Men and things were changing ; but there remained the 

1 Vita S. Remigii, in MG. SS. merov. Ill, 261 seqq. 

2 Sbaralea. Bull, franc. I 68. No. 56. 


fundamental compact of the Order with Rome, dominating 
and dominated by the mighty family. Upon the rough 
and ingenuous group of the Socii of Assisi had arisen an 
imposing organisation that knew no bounds either of political 
dominions or of ecclesiastical jealousies. It was necessary 
to point out with the utmost clearness to this world the 
virtue of obedience to the Church, the charity of its go- 
verment, and the rules of the modus Vivendi with it. Broad 
as Franciscan thought, which is derived from the Gospel ; 
lively and various as the new conditions ; proud, yet loyal 
to Rome, as the Saint's own compact : — such must be the 
great commentary on the Rule which the Pope, with the 
interpretative skill of a glossator, was to reconcile with the 
practice of the Franciscan's life. This commentary, which is 
identical with the "Mirror of Perfection" of the institution 
and of the individual, was asked and was obtained from 
Thomas of Celano. He was in a position to write it. 

In the First Life, Celano gave to the Saint the physi- 
ognomy he was enjoined to give ; in the second he describ- 
ed the life of the Order and of the individual Friar ac- 
cording to rules still more rigid. 

Such is the character of the book : Francis is no longer 
its only hero. The brilliant figure depicted is that of the 
perfection of the Order. ' If the desired perfection is to 
be found actually in the Saint, we can believe that Thomas 
takes it from the life ; if it is not there, he takes it from 
elsewhere, and from a source — we may suggest — that is 

I Prol. Dehinc vero exprimere intendimus et vigilanti studio declarare, quae 
s. Patris tam in se, quara in suis, fuerit voluntas bona, beneplacens el perfecta 
in omni exercitio disciplinae coelestis et summae perfectionis studio, quod semper 
habuit apud Deum.... et apud homines in exemplis. — Greg. M. In Job prae- 
fatio I, I ; n. 4, c. 2.: Adhibita sunt praecepta.... adiunguntur exempla. 



not necessarily historical. If it is but too true that " reason- 
ing makes no wrinkles", it is true also of the proofs which 
we mean presently to adduce. 

We said above that the first chapter of the Speculum 
had to be that on conversion; and as a matter of fact 
conversion is the subject that the professional writers of 
treatises on monasticism make it a rule to develope first. ' 
The conversion is prepared for, or shadowed forth, in the 
very opening words : Franciscus .... cui divina providentia 
hoc vocaholum indidit, ut et singulari et insueto nomine 
opinio ministerii eius, ioti innotesceret orbi, a matre propria 
Johannes vocatus fuit, cum de filio irae, ex aqua et Spiritu 
sancio renascens, gratiae filius est effectus. ^ It is his 
mother, a new Elisabeth, who foresees the sanctity of 
her son, on whom presently smiles the certitude of being 
worshipped upon the altars. ^ The Saint's name is changed. 
Called by his mother at the font Giovanni, i. e., servant 
and "friend" of the Most High, he received from Divine 
Providence the other " strange and unusual " name of 
Francesco. " When God gives or changes a man's name, 
it is an indication of saintly life " — such is the teaching 
which the good disciple Thomas of Celano draws from 
his master Hincmar ! '^ 

Probably, according to a custom of which there are very 
numerous examples in the thirteenth century, the name Fran- 

1 Heisterbach, I, I De convers. {Strange 1, 3 seqq.) ; Cassian. 

2 The biblical phrase reappears in Cassian. Conl. Mon. Ill, 7 ; CV. 78. 

3 /?. I (I, I): Adhuc sanctus adorabor per seculum totum, i. e. for ever. 
How is such a thought to be reconciled with Franciscan humility ? Celano is the 
victim of his own excellent memory ; St. Ambrose also as a child makes them 
kiss his hand in anticipation of the episcopal dignity. Paulini, Vita s. Ambrosii 
c. 4 : Dicens et sibi id.... fieri oportere, si quidem episcopum se futurum. 

4 Vita Rem, 1. c. 261, Cfr. Jerem. I, 5. 


ciscus was added afterwards to the baptismal name. This 
would explain the " work of Providence". But we must 
not neglect to point out that Celano was inaccurate in af- 
firming that the name Francesco was "stange and unusual". 
In Tuscan documents of the twelfth century we find Fran- 
cischo and Franzus'/ that proves the relative frequency 
of the nsune. 

These many presages of future spiritual greatness no 
longer harmonised w^th the storms of his early youtL 
His mother, indeed, like Monica, asks, quasi divino instructa 
oraculo: "What shall my son be?" But it is not because 
she is anxious about him ; only to console herself with her 
own reply : " Meritorum gratia, Dei filium ipsum noveritis 
affuturum". Freuicis grew up courteous and well-bred; 
"he had not the appearance of having sprung from the 
family which claimed him". So says Celano, meaning no 
insult, of course, to the ineproachable mother, but to Ber- 
nardone. Had the biographer still in mind the portrait 
which Saint Gregory paints in his Dialogues? — The father 
who accustoms his son to blasphemy opens the gates of 
Hell to his offspring. The responsibility of the slight moral 
deviations — if such there were — of the Sciint's youth, lies 
always at the door of his father, who imports, perchance 
with French merchandise, heretical blasphemies also. The 
pious compassion of Francis flows forth unhindered as soon 
as he has shaken off the paternal shackles ; in his first 
moments of emancipation he bestows, not merely half a 
cloeik but an entire vesture, and a very rich one, upon a 
poor mcui. Saint Martin himself has been surpassed ! By 

I DaviJsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichle von Florenz 1 900 ; II, 1 60. See 
also Tarducci, Vita di s. Francesco, (1904); 6 (note 12), who collects other 


a wonderful vision God transforms the murky smoke of 
military glory that for a short time darkened the hero's 
mind. The conversion of the soldier of fortune is more 
rapid than that of the Roman Legionary had been. " Re- 
turn to thy country", is the Lord's injunction: and Francis 
returns, an obedient child of God. 

In his own city, his former companions, " children of 
Babylon", attempt to seduce him back to perdition; but 
in vain. All they can win from him is a farewell banquet. 
He is changed. He proceeds to climb the steep mountain 
of the new life. " 

Who can trace out seriously and historically, in the 
brilliant artistic design of the First and the Second Life, 
that foundation of truth which seems to stand out so clearly 
to the modern biographers of the Saint ? 

Assisi and Guido's episcopal palace had been, according 
to the former narrative, the witnesses of the great act of 
Francis' conversion; but evidently that scene was now consi- 
dered too humble for so great a Saint as the Patriarch 
of the Franciscans. The Second Life transfers the scene 
to Rome, where it is enacted in front of the Apostle's 
tomb and in the sight of all Christendom. For love of 
God the pilgrim of Assisi lays aside his own elegant vesture, 
and donning the garb of a beggar outside the Church of 
Saint Peter, sits down and eats ravenously, confused among 
the crowd of mendicants. "" Great is the solemnity of the 
episode, which has found a warm welcome in the later 
legend and in the artistic pages of Sabatier. ^ This is the 
psychological moment of the conversion. All that is lacking 

I R 12. 13 (I. 3). 

a R 12: (I. 4). 

3 Vie de s. Francois, 28. 


is an identification of the Saint's impetuous zeal with a 
profound obsequiousness to the majesty of the Roman 
Church. And for this very reason Francis is made to 
enter the Church and approach the altar of the Apostle. 
The piety of the faithful is meagre; the scanty oblations 
rarely give a ring of metal upon the plate which at once 
collects and denounces them. Then the pilgrim casts in 
money by handfuls, and remembers even the humblest ec- 
clesiastical officials. ^ 

The man who was to assume an apostolic mission, from 
the very beginning was filled with the catholic faith in all 
its integrity and with reverence for the ministers and the 
things of God. Saint Francis reconciles Poverty with the 
Church. The outlines of the poor priest of Saint Damian's 
and of the Bishop of Assisi himself ^ now grow pale and 

3 I observe that Celano, like our friend Homer, is subject to occasional fits 
of abstraction. Francis changes his rich robes for the beggar's rags ; it seems, however 
that he did not forget to remove his purse, but put it into the pocket (if there 
was one) of the tattered vesture he had donned ! As a matter of fact the Saint 
is represented as entering the church after his change of clothes, and, when there, 
could not have thrown all that money down before the altar of St. Peter, if he 
had not been careful to keep hold of it at the moment of his heroic act. It 
were more dramatic and more logical to invert the order of the two incidents. 

I In the second narrative there comes out more clearly the part played by 
the bishop of Assisi in the conflict between father and son. Francis, cursed by 
his father (Salimbene relates in very similar language the story of his own con- 
version and his father's wrath : Chr. 1 3) gets himself blessed by a simple and 
holy man of the people, and restores to his father the money which he had in- 
tended to spend for the rebuilding of the Church, and that by the advice of 
the bishop of his city, a man of deep piety, on the ground that it would not 
be lawful to devote to sacred uses wealth that had been ill-gotten. Thereupon 
the Saint, reciting the Pater noster, and declaring himself son of God and not 
of Bernardone, restores to the latter not only the money in question but also the 
clothes he has on ; and concludes : " nudus igitur ad Dominum pergam " {R. 
14-15; I, 7). An historian would say that with this rite of stripping himself 
Francis performed his part of the forisfamiliatio ; that is to say, detaching himself 
from his family, he restores to the parental authority that which he (having become 
extraneous to it) could no longer keep back. It is probable that the touches by 
which the old nanative is modified were suggested to Celano by the necessity — or 


dim. Woe to this last if he approach without due caution 
the One whom he gathered naked into his arms! His 
indiscretion shall cost him his voice ! ' 

Thomas gives proofs of a most excellent memory. After 
so many years he recalls a page of the namesake of his 
provincial minister Caesarius. In Germany, as elsewhere, 
the canons of good family went about in magnificent clo- 
thing, and were regarded with suspicion by the friars 
whenever they knocked for admission to the convents. The 
noble canon Philip recognised the danger and took measures 
to avoid it. '* Scholas deseruit, et cum esset adolescens 
delicatus, bonisque vestibus indutus, pauperi scholari sibi 
occurrenti illas dedit, vilia illius vestimenta reinduens".'' 
So writes Caesarius of Heisterbach : Celano copies him 
with alterations, leaving however the two words vestimenta 
and delicata as indications of his plagiarism. And when 
once these German records came crowding into the rhetori- 
cian's mind, how could he pass over the ever-memorable 
figure of the canon Ensfrid, ^ who invited to his table poor 
men with ulcerous hands, holding out his own bowl to 
them that they might eat with him?"^ There was no ne- 
cessity to go as far as Rome to see the beggars at the 
church doors ; Thomas had read over and over again in 

the opportunity — of a nearer approach to the truth which had been rudely vio- 
lated by the scene as described in the First Life in terms of a monastic Abre- 

1 R 55 ; (III. 43). 

2 I, 38 ; Strange I, 467. 

3 Kaufmann, Caesarius v. Heisterbach, 1850; 22-23; But neither is Caesarius 
original. Ensfrid liberates children from a master who did more teaching with 
his fist than with his tongue (VI, 5), so does S. Simeon Stultus : Acta SS. T. 
Jul. 156. Perhaps there was a Latin version of the Life of S. Simeon unknown 
to the Bollandist. 

4 VI, 5. (I, 350). Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. I, 9. 


the " Lives of the Fathers " : " In porticu .... ecclesiae 
iacet multitudo mancorum ". ' That was the fertile sowing- 
plot for good works. No one will doubt that Francis 
did really give loving consolation to the miserable and 
leprous ; indeed it is his infinite pity that excites the artist 
of Celano to give his hero the classical attitudes of the 
conventional friend of the poor. Francis could not have 
shewn himself inferior to an aristocratic German canon! 

We may believe in the virtues of the Saint: but the 
words of an incorrigible plagiarist fail to move us. A short 
and unimportant chapter brings back summarily to mind 
the episodes of the temptation of Saint Francis and his 
tenderness towards lepers ; ^ but Thomas is in a great hurry 
to describe the miracle "unheard of for centuries past". 
In the ruined and deserted church of Sciint Damian, a 
painted Crucifix speaks to the Saint: "Francis, go and 
repair My house, which, as thou seest, is all in ruins". 
"Was a greater portent ever heard of?" exclaims Celano 
triumphantly — just as Sulpicius Severus exclaims when he 
proves that for miraculous virtues, Saint Martin surpasses 
all the anchorites of the Thebaid. ^ At the foot of the 
Crucified the Saint weeps over the Passion of the true God 
and true Man, who shall make him worthy to bear His 
wounds. This theme is already familiar to us, but it is 
necessary to subjoin one or two examples, to shew that 
the miracle is very far from being "unheard of". 

1 Cfr. S. John. V. 3. Migm, LXXIII, 1197. (Hist. Laus.) These clients 
of the Saints are called matricularii ; as being inscribed in the registers of the 
Church and supported by the offerings of the faithful ; cfr. Greg. Tur. De virt. 
S. luliani, c. 38; De virt. S. Martini, I, 31 ; II, 22; Hist. Franc. Vll, 29. 
Greg. M. Ep. Ill, 41, 42 (MG. 200-1 note 1). 

2 R. 12, 13; (I, 5). Cfr. Greg. M. Horn, in Evang. II, 39; n. 10. 

3 Dial. II. 5; CV. 186. 


In the silence and mystic twilight of the cloister the 
pain-racked image of Jesus upon the cross loses the ri- 
gidity of dead matter and quivers like a living thing. The 
convulsed lips tremble, and speak to Bro. Corrado as he 
contemplates the eternal spectacle of the great Martyrdom : 
"See, Corrado, how much I have suffered for thee ! " ^ 
Bro. Daniel, again, fixes an undiverted gaze upon the 
Crucifix, and the Crucifix, moved by such devotion, ad- 
dresses to him a divine word of kindness : " Ask all that 
thou wilt!" The grace requested and obtained is that of 
never thinking on the Passion with dry eyes. ^ If a monk 
is consumed with the feverish desire for martyrdom, the 
hands of Christ free themselves from the bloodstained nails 
and embrace the candidate for that glorious death ; ^ if a 
nun is tormented by Satan, Jesus clasps the poor victim 
of temptation to His heart, and heals her once for all. "^ 

He who is disposed to believe Thomas of Celano, 
cannot deny credence to Caesarius of Heisterbach. Strange 
are thfe vicissitudes of the legend of Saint Francis! 

It has come down to us in its actual form partly because 
Thomas sojourned in Germany long enough to become 
acquainted with the works of that narrator of miracles, the 
delight of all the German monasteries, the incomparable 
artist who is not known or studied to day as he merits. 
But for the German mission of I 22 1 , it is probable that 
the Franciscan Legend would have assumed a very diffe- 
rent shape. As a result of the diffusion of the Minorites 
throughout the world, the form of the Patriarch came to 

1 Caes. VIll, 20 (Strange II, 98). 

2 Caes. VIlI. 11 (II. 90); cfr. VIII. 10 (II, 89). 

3 Caes. VIII. 16 (II. 94). 

4 Caes. VIII, 20 (II. 98). 


be enriched with traits drawn from the most celebrated 
stories in vogue in each different country : and thus the 
physiognomy of the seraphic man became familiar to the 
whole world. 

The words of the Crucifix of Saint Damian's have the 
other miracle of the Stigmata as their logical consequence. 
There was therefore no necessity to repeat the narrative 
of visions. The Stigmata, and the pains taken by the 
Saint to conceal those marks of Divine favour now come 
to be simply an example of his humilify, and afford a 
convenient occasion for taking away from certain of the 
"Companions" the wish to boast of having seen the mystic 
wounds. ^ 

In the Preface to the " Manual " there was only room 
for certain subjects exquisitely selected and developed : Saint 
Francis intent on the restoration of Saint Damian's the 
conversion of Saint Bernard, the conversation with Inno- 
cent III, the establishment of the religious capital of the 
Order at the Porziuncula — " caput omnium Sanctorum " 
and "speculum religionis" — and, finally, the first acts of 
the pious government of the great family and the solemn 
approbation of the Rule in the days of Honorius. Among 
the companions who attach themselves to the Saint as soon 
as he has escaped from the persecutions of his father and 
brother after the Hesh, the most prominent place is given 
to the figure of Bernard, follower, according to Divine 
prophecy, of Francis and Poverty. ^ 

The episode (among those collected later in the Actus), ^ 

1 /?. 71-3 De occultatione stigmatum ; the chapter precedes that de humilitate. 

2 R. 16 (I, 10). R. 33 (II. 17). 

3 Actus No. 1 § 10 seqq. Fior. No. 2. Cfr. S. Aug. Confess. VIII, 12: 
Migne. LXXIII, 127. 


IS repeated by Celano in the place where he records the 
conversion of the priest Silvestro, the miserly vendor of stones 
that are to become the House of God. ' 

It seems to me that the symbolism (which is the cha- 
racteristic disease of those days) in this place at least lends 
transparency to the fact. Avarice and simony, like a ma- 
lignant cancer, are ruining the Church; but Francis does 
not wash only the poor lepers, he cleanses also impure 
priests. The priest Silvestro sells to the Saint the stones 
with which he is to restore the building which Innocent 
sees crumbling down and supported only by the simple 
and despised man of Assisi. ^ We see nothing of the 
proud plant that scarcely deigns to bend down its branches 
before the Poverello, as it is described in the first, timid 
Legend. The haughty tree has become a trembling reed. 
In 1 229 Celano shews us Francis almost terrified by the 
majesty of the Pope ; here on the other hand, God an- 
nounces to the Pope the mission of His servant, as the 
mission of the humble Aequitius had been announced to 

Not many years have gone by since the meeting of the 
learned Lotario with the simple Saint of Umbria : yet the 
"Memoriale" — allowing for Celano's exaggeration — indi- 
cates most surprisingly, in its changed language, the serious 
humiliations inflicted by the Franciscan Society upon the 
Papacy and the secular clergy. On his entrance into the 
Order, the novice learnt from Thomas' book that one must 
shew obedience to the Church and the Pope ; ^ but at the 

1 R. 60 (II, 54). 

2 R. 16-18 (I, II). It seems as though Innocent were disturbed by other 
people's visions : Reg. II No. 405. 

3 R. 20-1 (I, 16, 17). Spec. c. 78: Quod voluil religionem semper esse 


same time he was made aware that without Saint Francis 
— and, still more, without the Franciscans — the Church 
would not have had left to her one stone upon another. 
The sins of the unworthy ministers had justly cancelled 
the promises of God. So there remains still in a rheto- 
rician who is the Popes' whole-hearted and devoted ser- 
vant, the Franciscan germ of heresy. 

The work of Celano gives us a repetition of the clas- 
sical type of monastic institutions, and never diverges from 
the spirit of conventional monasticism. ^ And hence it is 
that the whole body of the work is distributed under a 
number of "Examples" corresponding in number to the 
number of the virtues proper to the perfect life of the Re- 
ligious. The dogmatic definition of each virtue is followed 
by the narrative of those acts or occurrences that are cal- 
culated to illustrate best, and impress most strongly on the 
mind, the intimate nature of the moral endowment which 
the monk needs if he is to approach the great Model. 
We may take, for our own example, the chapter on Hu- 
milify. The heading says : Sub hoc titulo continetur 
humilitas sancti in habitu, sensu et moribm, et contra 
proprium sensum. ^ First of all humility, which is omnium 
virtutum custos et decor, is defined as being the foundation 

sub proiectione et correctione ecclesiae romanae. Cfr. Salimbene, 119: Nam 
summis Pontificihus obediendum est. Vita b. Aegid. in Acta SS. Apr. T. Ill, 
225 : O Sancta mater Ecclesia Romana, nos insipientes et miseri non cognosci- 
tnus te, neque bonitatem tuam. Tu doces viam salutis, paras et ostendis nobis 
viam, per quam si quis pergit - ascendit ad caelestem gloriam. There was no 
rebellion in them ! 

1 St. Dominic might have studied the Collationes patrum (SS. Ord. Praed. 
Jord. c. 7. 1. 4) ; but St. Francis even if he had been to school with the priests 
of S. Giorgio (I Vita 23 ; Bonav. 219) would not have understood such a book. 
Celano no doubt undertook this work on his behalf I 

2 R. 5, 73 seqq. 


of the monastic life. ' This definition — we may remark 
at once, for the benefit of those who care to know — is 
drawn in substance from Gregory the Great. ^ If the Pa- 
triarch is humility itself in all his actions, it is clear that 
after dealing lightly with characteristic aspects of that supreme 
virtue as they appeared in the Saint, Thomas should 
demonstrate in what manner and degree he was, felt himself 
to be, and wished to be and to appear humble : how he drew 
salutary lessons from the very people who humiliated him 
and, in so doing, involuntarily lifted him higher than ever. 
So anecdote alternates with teaching, and the lesson becomes 
less trying. One among many of such little stories a propos 
of humility is related by Celano as follows. " Once upon 
a time the Saint had to preach at Terni. The bishop 
presented him to the congregation with fair words, and 
when the sermon was ended he said : * At the last hour 
God hath willed to enlighten his Church, sending this 
beggarly fellow, ill-conditioned, simple and ignorant {pau- 
perculus, despedus, simplex et illicteratus). And therefore 
we give thanks to the Lord who granteth not such boons 
to all the nations'.^ There is no need to record the answer 
of the great preacher to the discourteous bishop. The 
subject of the simplicity of Franciscan speech fitted in very 

1 Non discemebatur Dei princeps (I) quod praelatus esset, nisi hac clarissima 
gemma, quia, inter minores, minimus aderat. Haec virtus, hie titulus, hoc insigne 
generalem indicabat esse ministrum. In the so-called Speculum (c. 78) there is 
but a miserable paraphrase of these conceits, mixed up with reminiscences of other 
passages of Celano. 

2 Moral. XVIII, in c. 33 Job ; n. 24 : Humilitatem, quae magistra est omnium 
materque virtutis. In Evang. I, 7 n. 4 : Scientia - virtus est, humilitas etiam custos 
virtutis. Cfr. Cassian. Inst. IV, 29 ; CV. 68 Christi humilitas quae est vera 
nobiliteis. Migne, LXXIII, 785 ; Omnis labor monachi, sine humilitate, vanus est. 
Humilitas enim praecursor (sic) est charitatis etc. 

3 K. 74 ; (III, 73). 


well with that of humility ; and Celano, who lacks neither 
spirit nor clever art, makes this his opportunity of celebra- 
ting those triumphs of the Saint that gave so much an- 
noyance to the clergy. The clergy might indeed be, 
technically, learned ; but they had forgotten the reason why 
the populates sermones of Saint Ambrose had been so 
successful. ' In the Bull of Canonization of the Saint — 
that unfortunate piece of official rhetoric — there is mention 
of the "simple" words of the new Samson who, armed 
with the famous " jaw-bone of an ass " triumphed over 
the enemy like the Israelite hero. From the jaw-bone there 
issued afterwards a copious stream of water which washed 
many a stain and refreshed the parched and exhausted 
meadows of the Faith. If we were not dealing with a 
simitude of Saint Gregory's derived allegorically from the 
story in the Bible, one might have suspected that the rhe- 
torician of the Curia really desired, with scanty reverence 
for the new Saint, to hint at the ignorance of the man 
who had no need of schooling in order to thrill the crowds 
with his burning phrases. ^ 

Within the restricted circle of such facts as, in all pro- 
bability, are but little removed from the truth, Thomas of 
Celano deserves credence, and his work, in certain points 
(of course with the greatest caution) acquires also a little 
of the dignity of history. Yet the temptation to add example 

1 S. August. Confess. VI, 4; CV. 119. 

2 Sbaralea, Bull. Franc. I No. 25 a. 1 228 : Praedicatione siquidem simplici, 
nullis verborum persuasibilium humanae sapientiae coloribus adornata. Here is the 
Gregorian allegory : (Moral. XIII ; in c. 16 Job ; n. 15): Maxilla quippe Ec- 
clesiae, sancti praedicatores sunt..., Hinc est etiam quod Samson maxillam asini 
tenuit et hostes peremit.... Et maxilla in terram proiecta, postmodum aquas fudit. 
Cfr. lud. XV, 16-19. It is true also that God "aperuit os asinae et locuta est": 
Num. XXII, 28; see further Greg. M. Ep. V, 53 a; MG. 355. 


to example makes him trip up occasionally in his l)dng. ^ 
Then, when he has exhausted the series of true anec- 
dotes he gracehiUy adapts to his purpose whatsoever his 
memory suggests. And so he teaches also to those who 
shall come after him the secret of sunplification and of 

Let us pause for a moment longer in the congenial 
realm of Humility which borders on that of Prophecy, and 
let Celano speak. ^ He relates, then, how Saint Francis, 
when he returned from his mission bryond the sea, had 
with him Bro. Leonard of Assisi. They were both tired 
to death. The Saint, to rest himself a little, rode upon 
a donkey and Leonard followed on foot. Even ssiints 
are human, and Bro. Leonard could not help thinking : 
** My ancestors would not have deigned to associate with 
his ^ . . . yet look at him ! He on the donkey, and I, as 
driver, on foot!" Then Francis dismounts and says: "Nay, 
brother ; it is not seemly that I should be riding upon the 
ass, and thou who in the world wast nobler and more 
powerful than I shouldst follow me on foot". Astounded 

1 The same ill - fortune attaches also to the Dominican writers. A little of 
Caesarius and a great deal of Gregory the great give life to the little story that 
we read in the legend of the bishop of Orvieto (SS. Ord. Praed. I, 33 ; cfr. 
Greg. M. Dial. II, 27 and Caes. XI, 35 ; Strange, II, 297) ; and the customary 
dracones that pursue such of the Preaching Friars as are not quite sure of themselves, 
are undoubtedly Gregorian (SS. cit. 1. c. 7 and Dial. II, 25). The good Pas- 
sattanti, who had not the task of composing a saint's Life, in his Specchio della 
oera penitenza, honestly quotes the Lives of the Fathers, Gregory the Great, Bede, 
Jacques di Vitry, Caesarius of Heisterbach etc., whence he draws the material 
for his work. Ed. Classici Ital. 1808, Cesario 31, 105, 138, 18! etc. Maestro 
Jacopo de Vettriaco, 1 33 etc.). A professional man of letters might well make 
a study of the fortunes of Caesarius in Italy. 

2 R. 24 (II. 1). 

3 I render into the vernacular Celano's phrase : non ludebanl de pari parentes 
huius et miei. 



at the unexpected answer to his thought, Leonard perceived 
that nothing could be concealed from the Saint, and 
humbly begged pardon of him. How lively is that spectre 
of "nobility" that crouches beneath the serge which clothes 
the magnificent Thomas of Celano! 

Now we will pay a visit to Saint Benedict. ' The 
Saint is calmly seated at table, and the lamp that illumines 
his cell is held by a Brother of noble family — his father 
was nothing less than defensor, and therefore a person of 
consideration. ^ A diabolical thought passes through the 
mind of this Brother. " Who is this whom I serve while 
he eats? And who am I that I should have to wait upon 
him?" Saint Benedict was as successful in reading hearts 
as was Saint Francis in a later age ; but the man of As- 
sisi shewed himself more gentle than he of Nurscia. The 
sweet temper of Francis is attested by the falsehood of his 
biographer better than by a hundred true anecdotes. Ce- 
lano has copied from Gregory with short and insignificant 
alterations : — everything except the end of the tale. The 
harsh words which Saint Benedict uttered in a like case, 
saint Francis would never have pronounced. Celano, who 
knew the Saint, when he imagined him in the same cir- 
cumstances as Benedict, attributed to him this placid and 
gentle answer, which is like a clear ray from a light very 
for away and studiously hidden from our view. As with 
honest intent we retrace the tortuous path of the biographer 
of Saint Francis, criticism has these pleasant surprises in 
store for us. 

In the "Memoriale" the concatenation of themes is 

1 Dial. II. 20. 

2 The defensor civilatis has a right to the title vir clarisaimus or vir lauda- 
bilia {Marini, Papiri Dipl. 113; MG. Leg. Sect V, 1 Form. 4. 


thought out and developed with consummate wisdom. This 
is how it presents itself, in a few broad lines : — God 
grants to the Saint the gift of prophecy ; he reads in the 
souls their temptations, aids those tormented by the tempter 
to overcome, and unmasks hypocrites. The cult of poverty 
and the serene courage of the outstretched hand bring him 
near, in utmost tenderness, to the abandoned. From the 
ardour of his soul his words burst forth like flames. Satan, 
in the form of accidie, is conquered by holy industry. A 
serene spiritual gladness flashes in the dark eyes of Francis, 
humble in his glory, obedient as the least of the Mino- 
rites, sworn foe of idleness and of darkness, whose soul 
lies wide open to the ecstatic contemplation of the beauti- 
ful things created by God. 

If some historians have failed to see their way clearly 
through this dry catalogue of themes and of facts, the 
fault is certainly not Celano's. But I cannot help bringing 
forward one other consideration which has again and again 
presented itself to my mind. In the First Legend — a 
phrase which may be taken to include collectively the two 
works of Celano, for we cannot take account of any other — 
it is strange that the sinister preoccupations of the other 
life, with the customary tenors of hell and cruel uncer- 
tainties that tormented so many believers, have not in any 
way found that place so generously conceded to them in 
the other writings of the period. There is no word of 
the other world, of the pains of hell or of the joys of 
paradise till we come to the stories of the Fioretti that are 
to follow. Francis says nought of them ; the terrors of his 
time are unknown to him. Everything is alive about him. 
Even the stone is no inanimate thing, for his unutterable 
tenderness penetrates it and transforms it into a being that 


can feel and suffer/ God is everywhere: to behold 
Him it is not necessary to close one's eyes to the light of 
the sun and of the universe, so beautiful, so full of His 
glory. ' 

^ R. 84 : Super petras ambulat reverenter. . . 

2 R. S3 : Muodum quasi peregrinationis exilium exire festinans, iuvabatur felix 
iste viator iis, quae in mundo sunt, non modicum quiden. The desire "dissolvi 
et esse cum Christo" (cfr. 5. Aug. Ep, (LVIII, c. 2 Op. II, 560) is obligatory 
for all who aspire ad atria Dei. 



AT the risk — or rather with the certainty — of being 
tedious, we must repeat that the "Second Life" is 
a Speculum Perfectionis. In it the sayings and doings 
of the Saint are not set forth in accordance with the 
technical rules of historical nanative; the link of chrono- 
logical sequence, which should group together and distri- 
bute the principal events, is broken. The treatment derives 
its unity from the design which the author has in mind — a 
design which, according to his opinion, corresponds to the 
precise aims of the book. If we remove the single " exam- 
ples" from the place which they occupy and try to put 
them together, all the matter becomes intricate and confu- 
sed in appearance. It is almost as if one should take the 
books of a library from the shelves where they were ar- 
ranged on definite principles of classification, and pile them 
up in a great heap. 

Since, however, the order given by Celano to the ma- 
terial of his book need not prejudice that to be followed 
by us, there will be no harm in pausing in front of the 
most notable pictures, without removing them from the place 
in which they are found by the will of the artist. 

Francis has from God the spirit of prophecy, which 
manifests itself not only in the announcement of the ap- 


preaching defeat of the crusaders, of the civil war in Pe- 
rugia, and of other events of minor importance ; ' but also, 
in a special way, in the power of discerning the pious or 
wicked resolutions within the soul of young novices. Thomas 
is not willing that the customary shrewdness of celebrated 
abbots should be lacking, in so essential a matter, to his 
Patriarch — or to that Patriarch's successors. There is 
nothing of greater importance to the Order than this. On 
the wise choice of these tender plants depends the glorious 
future of the great family. The half-falsehood of attribu- 
ting to Francis the sureness of vision of certain famous 
abbots in the preliminary examination of novices, is more 
than venial 1 

That young nobleman of Lucca who with joined hands, 
on bended knee, and bathed in tears, begs in vain from 
the Saint the boon of reception into his Order, has tried 
already at other convent-gates without success. He has 
always received the same answer — a refusal. This can- 
didate for perfection has not the necessary spirituality; 
only capricious impulses, which evaporate as quickly as 
they form. ^ Another enthusiast for evangelic poverty, be- 
fore he dons the habit, remembers that he has relatives 
in the world, and distributes to them, instead of to the 
poor, the riches which have now become useless to him. ^ 

1 R. 23-4 (II. 2): R. 27 (II. 6); R. 27-8 (II. 7) etc. R. 22 (II, 1). 
Praedicebat multa spiritu propheliae, occulta cordium rimabatur, noscebat absen- 
tia, pxaevidehat et enarrabat futura. Greg. M. II, 12: Coepit — vir Dei pro- 
phetiae etiam spiritu pollere, Ventura praedicere, praesentibus etiam absentia nun- 

2 R. 29 (II, 9); Spec. 103. Cfr. Caes. I, 1 1 : Venit ad nos adolescens 
quiJam canonicus - magis. ut postea rei exitus probavit, ex quadam levitate mentis, 
quam devotione conversionis... Dominus G. abbas noster intelligens solam in causa 
esse ievitatem - cum satis tamen rogaretur suscipere iuvenem, non consensit. Qui 
mox eadem via, qua venit, rediit. Cfr. ib. I, 9 »= Vita S. Bern. I, 13 etc. 

3 R. 47 (III, 25). De renuntiantibus seculo. 


Bd-ore formulating the judgement of Francis on this point 
Thomas glances at the pages of some of his old books. ^ 
Again, a novice displays qualities the reverse of good : he 
eats, and does no work. ^ Here are two Brethren called 
"flies'* because good for nothing. "Flies" and "devils" 
(according to an old phrase) come and go in the same way : 
and it is best to keep them at a distance. ^ 

Certain wandering spirits there are, never satiated with 
sanctity: these are more than suspected. For them the 
Order has not perfection enough. If we keep our eyes — 
and the Dialogues of Gregory the Great — well open, we 
shall see that they have upon their back a clinging devil, 
in flesh and bones. "^ Another bad sign is the neglect of 
confession. ^ Woe to the novice and to the professed friar 
who do not immediately seek shelter from their temptations 
by confessing them fully to one single confessor. ^ Without 
such aid the evil becomes incurable. There is not always 
a dragon ready to keep the monk from apostasy. ^ The 
abbot must keep watch over each and all. A word from 

1 Mtgne, LXXIII, 931 : Soror mea pauper est, si do ei eleemosynam, non 
«st sicut unus de pauperibus >... Dixit senex : Non... quia sanguis trahit te mo- 
<licum. Cfr. Greg. M. In Evang. Horn. 11, 27 n. 1. The words of Francis 
" Rondum existi de domo et cognalione tua " are taken from Cassian. Conl. 
111. 6, 7. CV. 73 seqq. 

2 R. 45 (III. 21); Spec. c. 24, 

3 Migne, 1. c. 803 : Muscas tamquam daemones oenientes. And Celano 
makes Francis give this name to money also : muscas nempe denarios oocaoit. 
R. 45, 46 (111. 23) Spec. c. 22. 

4 R. 11 seqq. (II. 1, 3, 4). Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. II, 4. 16. 30. 

5 R. 23 (II, 1): confesaionem iniungit. Respuit die. Cfr. R. 16 (II, 5) 
Cassian. Inst. Coen. IV, 37. CV. 74. Cfr. Fior. No. 41, 43. The invitation 
to confession (II, I) is perhaps to be connected with the story given by Caesa- 
rius. III. 24 ; which, in its turn, is a repetition of a passage of the Life of S. 
Jo. Elemos. Migne. LXXIII. 354-5. 

6 R. 67 (III. 64) Spec. c. 106. Diversas diversis particulas confitebatur. 
Cfr. Caes. III. 22. 

7 Greg. M. II. 25. 


him shall comfort the poor victims of temptation: "The 
crown is only for them that strive"/ Are words insuf- 
ficient P A writing, the ** Eulogia** of the Fathers — even 
a modest relic of some Saint — say a finger-nail — work 
miracles ! ^ 

We have removed from Celano's pages the names of 
persons and places and all that remainds us that the writing 
before us is the Legend of Smnt Francis : and lo ! as by 
enchantment, the literary work is transformed into a series 
of tags from well-known authors, the Lives of the Fathers, 
Gregory the Great, Cassian, Caesarius, and so forth. These 
fragments, adapted to the subject, are held together by 
Celano's considerations, very much as the the sources of 
the Decretum are welded by the sayings of Gratian ; and 
they form a sort of dogmatic and ethical commentetfy on 
the regulations which the papal authority had already im- 
posed for the reception of novices.^ 

From the Second Life there pass down to the Actus, 
and so to the naive Fioretti, to those little figures, sketched 
wdth so much grace, of novices, victims of temptation, 
preserved by timely aid in the sanctity of the Order. A 
prudent reverence to an altar, the example and advice of 

1 JR. 67 : Ad coronam tibi perveniet non ad culpam. Cfr. 2 Tim. II, 5 ; 
Migne, LXXIII, 903 : Erat enim ibi quidam qui sustinebat tribulationes, et non 
habens fiduciam in aliquo cui confiteretur, parabat a sero melotem suam, ut di- 
scederet. Cfr. ib. 743-5. Ecce, fili, fideliter intelligis quod hoc spiritale certa- 
men per patientiam ad salutem aeternam animae tuae proficiet... Ubi durior est 
pugna, ibi gloriosior erit corona etc. Cassian. Conl. II, 13 ; cfr. Migne, 1. c. 
876, 878, 881, 884. The same sources are cited by PassaOanti, Specchio 
della vera penitenza ; Dist. Ill, 4. 

2 II. II ; III, 19 {R. 30, 33). For the eulogia: Migne, I. c. 1169: Ac- 
cipe eulogiam patrum. R. 33 : Accip>e tibi catftulam. Hence the famous letter 
of the Saint to Bro. Leo : Sabaiier, Speculum, LXXIII-IV. 

3 Sbaralea. Bull. Franc. I No. 5 ann. 1220 (Hon. Ill); cfr. No. 2 (Greg. 
IX) ann. 122" 


a venerable ''senior", save those souls from apostatizing. 
The tempted ones live and die serenely faithful to Saint 
Francis, and the Madonna comforts them at their depar- 
tare with the heavenly electuary of her grace. // Maestro 
ia Celano has founded a flourishing school; his scholars 
paint magnificently ! If the pallet of the ancients is lacking, 
a little, in colour, it is ever charged with varied and fresh 
inspirations of a most charming kind. ^ 

A precious gem in the crown of monasticism is chastity, 
divine conqueror of the senses. The teaching with a view 
to the achievement and preservation of this grace is an 
extremely important part of Celano's treatise. Franciscus, 
ut autem loqueretur manu, se ipsum exemplar omni prae- 
hehat virtutis. ^ There were only two women in the world 
that he would have recognised by face. Like the ascetic 
who fled from them as though they had been lions, the 
Saint felt not fear, but terror for women :^ and he used 

1 Act. No. 2 1 ; Fior. No. 20 : The novice is saved by a reverence made 
to the altar where the Blessed sacrament is reserved. Cfr. Caea. IX, 4 (I, 175): 
Coram altari sancti J. Bapt. transiens. profunde inclinavit ; see also Migne, LXXllI, 
905 - Fior. No. 41. The secular garments were kept by the steward during the 
novitiate, in case of necessity: Cassian. Inst. Coen. IV, 6, 37 ; CV. 51, 73. 
The discourse of Bro. Simon is called lighted coal that kindles, because prea- 
chers " carbones ignis vocati sunt, quia... per flammam caritatis accendunt ", Greg, 
M. Moral. XXIX in c. 38 Job ; No. 38. The passages in II Vita I. 1 7 {R. 
33) and III, 64 {R. 7) occur in Spec. c. 106; Act. No. 35; Fior. No. 31 
(Anal. Franc. Ill, 46) and are akin also to Act. No. 50 and Fior. N. 43 (Anal. 
Franc. Ill, 423) : But the original source of all the narratives is the episode of 
Silvanus exquisitely described in the Life of Pachomius c. 38 {Migne, LXXIII, 
255), which begins : " Quidam denique iuvenis, Silvanus nomine, de scena con- 
versus ". 

The Brother consoled with the " most sweet electuary of Mary " (Actus 
No. 68 ; Fior. No. 47) is a surgeon-Brother of vagabond inclinations who by 
means of this heavenly food is retained within the cloister. Caes. VII, 47 (II, 67). 

2 R. 61 seqq. Ill, 55 seqq. 

3 Cassian. Conl. Mon. VII, 26. CV. 205 ; But more knowing is the ab- 
bess who says to a fraie half dead in an encounter with the Enemy : " An thou 
wert a perfect monk, thou wouldest not regard us with eyes that shew thou 


to teach the enigma of the queen who was gazed upon 
with complete satisfaction by the king's servant in a form 
which, as it happens, bears a remarkably close resemblance 
to the story which runs through the ascetic literature of t!ie 
Middle Ages. ^ Even Francis, however, was tempted ly 
the " minions (gastaldt) of the Lord '* — that is by demons" 
— but not all could vaunt themselves of his signal victories. 
If any should suffer from the assaults of the fiend, he had 
but to turn to Saint Francis, imploring the aid of his prayers 
and of his word of consolation, and the enemy would 
straightway raise the siege of his beleaguered heart. ^ But 
woe to the prelate whose wary vigilance and just severity 
is not matched by the moderating virtues of compassion 
and gentleness. In a book which contains the models of 
the monastic ideal, the strongest light will be focussed on 
the type of General minister. Thomas, aware that the 
Saint had not been much of a student, sets him first to 
read certeiin phrases of Saint Gregory the Great, and then 
puts him in front of the canvas on which is to be sketched 
the figure of the greatest prelate of the Order. "* 

knowest us full well to be women ". Migne, LXXIII, 872. It is always a 
prize for the devil if he conquers a friar: ib. 885. 

1 5. "P. Dam. Op. Ill, 381. (Story of Sibilla's eyes). Caes. IV, 62 (I, 
231). Cfr. R. 62; III, 56. Spec. c. 86. Later on the Minorites used to 
take a good look at the ladies because, for the glory of their Order they used 
to arrange marriages. Salimhene, 217. 

2 7^. 63, III, 58-61 ; Spec, c 67. Sabatier maintains the erroneous reading 
castalli, which means nothing : castaldi and castaldiones are the ministers or 
officers of the Commune, or of private persona... or of the Lord. As is well 
known the word is an old Lombard one : Bruckner, Spr. d. Langob. 205. 

3 R. 64, III, 60 : Migne. LXXIII. 742 No. 8 : " Discipulus cuiusdam etc." 
The doctrina of " fleeing from Woman " may be reconstructed from the foUoving 
materials : Qreg. M. Dial. IV, 11; Ep. I, 48 ; Moral. XVI, in c. 23 Job, 
No. 29 " Oculos ergo inclinare etc. " Jacques de Vitry, Elxempl. No. 2 1 2 
p. 220 (Ufe of S. Bernard) etc. Cfr. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 237-8 No. 76-7. 
(Sayings of S. Aegidius). 

4 R. 92-3 (III, 96) ; Spec. c. 80 : Officium plus sibi fore sentiat oneri. 


Cel£uio encountered serious difficulties at certain points 
of his work. The life of the man of Assisi, good and 
simple like all really great things, failed to offer him ap- 
posite examples for the illustration of certain doctrines. 
Fortunately erudition came providentially to his rescue. A 
novice is terribly tempted with longing for a little supper, 
or possibly, for something much less — a bunch of grapes, 
for instance. ' The temptation is, at bottom, a disease, 
and sick folk, as the vernacular proverb says " are not 
moved with a pitchfork, but with a sheet". So the 
abbot himself may eat flesh-meat with his poor tempted 
brother, and pass a tranquil hour at table with him. '^ 

Such a pious concession to human frailty involves no 
relaxation of rigour ; discipline stands on an adamantine 

quam konori ; Greg. M. Moral. XXIV, in c. 34 Job, No. 55 ; Potestas... non 
honor sed onus aestimatur ; R. 92 : Homo vitae gravissimae ; Greg. M. Reg. 
Past. II, 2 : ex gravitate vitae. R. 93. Non tamen e sup>erflua mansuetudine 
torpor nascatur nee ex laxa indulgentia dissolutio disciplinae ; Greg. M. Moral. 
XIX in c. 29 Job, No. 30 : Nee in disciplinae vigore benignitatem mansuetu- 
dinii, nee rursum in mansuetudine districtionem deserant disciplinae ; Reg. Past. 

II, 6 : Miscenda ergo est lenitas eum severitate ele. Moral. XXIV in c. 34 
Job, No. 54 : Nee tamen disciplinae vincula eadem lenitate dissolvant ete- Cfr. 
Greg. M. Ep. I. 24 ; MG. 35. 

R. 93 : Volebat eos afiabiles... ut eorum affeetui non se vererentur eommit- 
tere delinquentes ; volebat... tales ete. Desperationis morbus praevaleat infirmos. 
Reg. Piist. II, 5 : Tales autem sese qui p.aesunt exhibeant, quibus subiecti oc- 
culta quoque sua prodere non erubescant ; II, 10: Cumque increpatio immode- 
rate accenditur, eorda deliquentium in desperatione deprimuntur. Cfr. Moral. XX 
in c. 29 Job; No. 14. Miscenda est ergo lenitas cum severitate, (aciendumque 
quoddam ex utraque temperamentum : ut neque multa asperitate exuleentur subditi. 
Deque nimia ben gnitate solvantur. The passages in Gregory which Celano para- 
phrases are same which are cited by Gratian, Deer. D. XLIV, 9, 10, 14, 
16, Certain rules proposed for observance by the prelate occur also in S. P. 
Dam. Op. Ill, opusc. No. 51 ; 151 seqq. ; cfr. Inn. Ill, Ep. I, 311. {Balut. 
I, 168). 

1 /?. 19 (I, 15, 16). Spec. 27; R. 88 (III, 160). Spec. c. 42. 

2 Jacques de "Vitryf, ELxempl. No. 1 4 : Ducens eum ad cellarium cum eo 
manducavit. Cfr. R. 68 : In vine2un duxit et sedens cum eo etc. Cfr. Caes. 

III, 49 (I, 167). But after a gay banquet with the abbot the frati expiate the 
moment of forgetfulness of the Rule. See also X, 8. 


foundation — obedience. * If the novice be ignorant of the 
meaning of this supreme duty of the monk, let the abbot 
send him to bless first and then to curse bones of the 
dead, and then ask him: 

"What did those bones say to thee?" 

"Nothing: they uttered no sound". 

"Well, if thou wouldst abide in the monastery, bear 
this mind that thou also must be dead, insensible alike to 
curses and to blessings".^ 

The dialogue above has something tragically sombre about it 
Celano's copy is, as a matter of fact, superior to the original. 

* Said his companions : " Father, what is supreme and 
perfect obedience?" And he, describing the obedient man 
by the likeness of a dead body, replied: "Take a corpse, 
and place it where thou wilt. It doth not complain of the 
spot chosen, nor giveth any sign of the wish to leave it. 
Assay to set it in a chair ; it droopeth its eyes. Clothe 
it with purple ; the pallor of death standeth out twice as 
intensely"'.^ The monk is a dead man: here is the 
germ of the similitude"^ which Thomas expresses with a 
couple of masterly sweeps of the brush. That body dan- 
gling down by sheer wright of inanimate matter from the 
chair, which is a symbol of human power, towards the 
earth, common sepulchre of proud and humble ; that bold 
yet ineffectual sheen of purple that is extinguished by the 
juxtaposition of the waxen pallor of death : — these are 

1 R. 78 seqq. (III. 88 seqq.). On obedience: Migne. LXXIII, 232, 248. 
246, 266, 792, 948 ecc Greg. M. Moral. XXXV, in c. 42 Job, No. 28: 
Sola... virtus est obedientia, quae virtutes ceteras menti inserit, insertasque custodit. 

2 Jacques de "Ditiy, Exempl. No. 1 1 8. 

3 li. 78 (III, 88). Spec. c. 46. 

4 Jacques de Vilry, Exempl. No. 117: Monachus ail : Et ego sum mortuus 
Cfr. Greg. M. Moral. XVlll in c. 37 Job, No. 89. Praedicator ipse mundi 
gloriam quam appeteret, tamquam mortuus non videret. 


extremely effective touches. Whence has Celano borrowed 
them? From Frate Pecorella, says Sabatier; for, accor- 
<iing to him, the whole ponderous woven work of Thomas' 
book, is nothing but the Legenda Antiquissima of Bro. 
Leo repaired by the rhetorician's art. It is really mar- 
vellous how some ideas have been seriously maintained, 
and, because seriously maintained, discussed with an ardent 
desire to find them true ! ^ 

A certain thought has come to me . . . and if to me, 
then doubdess to many others. It is this. As long as 
we are dealing with common endowments that all frati 
possess, or ought to possess, such as Obedience, Chastity, 
respect for the Rule, clearly the line taken by Celano in 
his work is explicable if not justifiable. But Francis had 
a sanctity so original, so much his own, that when the 
discourse comes at length to treat the subject of these very 
special virtues, one might suppose that truth would suffice, 
and Thomas be spared the unnecessary trouble of inven- 
tion : especially as falsehood would, in any case have defea- 
ted the purpose of the writer. We may hope, then, that 
in the Chapters on Poverty, Gladness and Simplicity Celano 
will stand aside, and leave us to contemplate the beauteous 
figure of the Saint without his own artistic retouchings. 

Who could be more poor or more simple than the Man 
of Assisi ? 

It might be replied that the argument is ruined by a 
charming petitio principii. We cannot think anything at 
all about the Saunt apart from Celano's suggestions. The 
so-called Speculum Perfedionis, which should be a work 
of "those who were with him", that is, of the " Com- 

^ Even Gotz is very lax in his criticism. 


panions " of Francis, is an evident elaboration of the Se- 
cond Life. For us, therefore, it is as though it did not 
exist : and so we fall back again into the clutches of the 
man of Celano. ' Yet the extraordinary care that he has 
devoted to the description of the love of poverty, spiritual 
gladness, and frank simplicity, is of itself a proof that these 
were the most resplendent gifts — the very soul — of the 
Poverello. If the Saint of Umbria had elected to emu- 
late some fanatic for chastity and for a repulsive asceticism, 
such as San Domenico Loricato is recorded to have been ; 
or if he had simply desired to repeat the exploits of the 
old monachism of the Middle Ages, we can see that to 
present Francis to us in the act of pla)ang the violin, or 
in ecstasy before the flowers and the sunshine, would have 
been a form of poetic licence fatal to the biographer and 
to his legend. No skill of the artist could avciil to trans- 
form the type of saint that lived in the popular imagination, 
prostrate in his lurid cell, absorbed to dizziness in assiduous 
prayer interrupted only by bloody scourgings of the poor 
emaciated and ulcerous body, ^ — to transform such an one 
into a man like other men, serene, joyous, free from morbid 
terrors, sweet as a young girl, with a voice clear and 
ringing that conquers and inebriates whose hears it. Nay, 
Celano' s efforts are obviously directed in the opposite di- 
rection. In the Second Life he sets himself to give to the 

1 Sahatier, Spec. p. XLIX. Gotz, 151. The last-named writer doubts 
whether the phrase " Nos qui cum b. F. fuimus " is an imitation of St. John 
XIX, 35 and XXI, 24. The source is less ancient. Cfr. Hist. Laus. in Mi- 
gne, LXXIII, 1 160, 1 156 : Narrarunt nobis qui cum ipso erant... Qui cum eo 
coNVERSABANTUR. MigTic, XXI, 38:... Ut viderem eos et intereasem conver- 
sationi eorum. — As for the " Legend of the Three Companious ", no account 
need be taken of it ; and its close kinship with the " Anonimo Perugino " puts 
the latter also out of court. Gbtz, 140, seqq. 

2 S. 'P. Dam. Op. II, 235 seqq. 


very singular virtues of Francis a distinctively monastic 
character, and to this end he searches and searches again 
up and down his library and accumulates the examples 
appropriate to a saint like his hero and to a perfect monk 

In certain doctrinal points the difficulties confronting our 
writer were enormous. Francis had celebrated his mystic 
marriage with domina Paupertas, and had remained ever 
faithful to her. ' The figure is Celano*s own. After her 
chaste husband's death, the austere widow did not, ap- 
parently, find herself confortable in the Franciscan Family. 
The family, however, were perfectly aware of their obli- 
gations to the poor desolate one. As though the Rule 
itself were not enough, the so-called "Testament of 
Francis provided for all contingencies : and the Lady Po- 
verty was secured from any tampering with the provisions 
of the Rule by the insidious hand of the glossator. ' 
" Fratres nihil sibi APPROPRIENT ", said the Rule in its 
latest form, "nee domum nee loeum, nee aliquam rem. 
Sed, tamquam peregrini et humiliiate Domino famulantes, 
Vadant pro eleemosyna confidentur. Nee oportet eos vere- 
cundari, quia Dominus pro nobis se feeit pauperem in hoc 
mundo*\^ More concise but essentially identical was the 
old Statute : " Vivere in obedientia et in castitate et SINE 
PROPRIO ". It is proprium, proprieias, that is forbidden to 
the fratres. The last Rule, repeating the terms of the old 

I R. 43 (III, 16, 18): Dominam meam Paupertatem... Sanctam... sponsam. 
Cfr. I Vita 31 : Dominam Paupertatem. 

* The Testament of Francis is mentioned by Thomas, (I Vita, 7) and by 
the Bull Qfio elongati ; but that does not prove that it is identical with that 
which has come down to us: {Gotz, If, 12). And the prohilMtion of glosses 
betrays its scholastic origin. 

3 c. 6. 


one (or, to speak more correctly of the previous ones) 
developed writh greater fulness the obligation of poverty, 
but it left unsolved a question of the gravest importance. 

Then follovv^ed the "declaratory" Bull of Gregory IX, 
Quo Elongati, which, far from removing all controversy, 
only inflamed it to a further pitch of violence. ' 

In 1 230 that Pope, y/ho was preparing to follow the 
example of the great Justinian in his collection of the De- 
cretals, imposed on the Order the solution of doubts, in 
the following manner. In his "Testament" Francis had 
forbidden two things : — first, that there should be any gloss 
upon the Rule, secondly that any request for special pri- 
vileges should be addressed to the Apostolic See. The 
point that required a papal gloss was that of the obli- 
gation of absolute poverty. Referring to the clause of 
the last Rule: " Fratres nihil sihi approprienf\ Gregory IX 
observes that the plenary observance of the precept was 
thought to be in danger because certain persons asserted 
that the Order — in communi — had proprietas in real estates. 
It rested with the Pope to provide so as to save the purity 
of souls and of the Order. 

The papal interpretation is preceded by a Whereas, 
clause, which calls for quotation here. 

" Whereas in virtue of the long-continued intimacy \yhich 
the aforesaid Confessor had with Us, We have a fuller 
knowledge of his intention ; and whereas in the formulation 
of the aforesaid Rule {in condendo), and in the following 
Acts, for the purpose of obtaining Apostolic confirmation 
thereof. We rendered him assistance, being at the time in 
a position inferior to Our present Dognity; Ye {Fratres) 

I Cfr. the Bull of Nicholas 111 in Bull. Franc. III. 404, Liber Sextus. V. 
12, 3. 


request of Us a declaration on the points of the said Rule 
which remain obscure . . .". 

The witness of the Bull is twofold. The Minorites 
affirm that the Pope took part in the formation of the 
Rule, and the Pope admits it. The request for a "de- 
claratory response *' is not addressed merely to the supreme 
authority of the Papacy, but further to the man who was, 
as it were, depositary of the Saint's intimate thoughts. 
Let no one doubt what Gregory IX categorically affirms. 
We have had occasion to remind ourselves before, that the 
practically illiterate Francis is not the author of the Rules : 
he will have furnished the design and the principal outlines 
of them : but the final redaction is, throughout, the work 
of learned men. 

Certainly it is not the Saint who when defining the 
duties of poverty, strangely repeats Cassian's words about 
monastic institutions : Tanquam peregrinum se gerat et in- 
colam istius mundi. ^ Cardinal Ugolino, who had devoted 
such a deal of watchful care to the plantatio of Francis,^ 
did not fail, we may be sure, to set his hand also to the 
reconstruction of the Rule ; and sought inspiration for this 
work in the locus classicus for ancient ascetic ideals. This 
is a most valuable indication, as demonstrating indubitably 
that the future Pope saw in the Minorites a wise return 
to the most ancient traditions of the cloister. Such a de- 
cisive impulse given to the Order in the direction of the 
forms, the spirit, and even the necessities of monachism, 
could not escape the unlearned but lively and vigorous 

1 IV, 14; CV. Cfr. Test. b. Franc. Sicut adoenae el peregrini. So the 
Testament, like the Rule, repeats the expression o( Cassian, [derived ultimately, 
BO doubt from such passages as Heb. XI, 13; 2 Pet. II, II L. R.l. 

2 I Vita, 74; II Vita R. 21. 


mind of Francis. The principles laid down by Jesus Christ 
for all nations were, in any case, miserably abridged and 
compressed in the narrow terms of a Rule. And it is 
only probable that a regretful resignation to inevitable 
destiny was the attitude of the " Poverello's " mind when 
he set his hand to the last Statute of his family, which 
had by that time become too numerous to consist entirely 
of worthy members. 

The Rule forbids the/ra/res to have property : they are sub- 
ject to what we should call a "radical incapacity" for the 
acquisition or possession of any kind of goods. So far we 
have nothing new. The greatest difficulty arose about the 
extension of the same incapacity to the Order itself. In 
mentioning the ' fratres ', the Rule made reference to the 
individuals, and to the ens constituted by them : and even 
without this dry admonition, the Saint's acts and words 
left no room for uncertainty as to the extension of the 
precept which a very few years of the Order's existence 
had already shewn to be incompatible with even the humb- 
lest necessities of the Franciscan family. Either way the 
existence of the Order was threatened ; for absolute po- 
verty meant the end of the institution as an organism, in 
the form in which it had become familiar to the world ; 
while relative poverty was equivalent to disobedience to 
the Founder. Thus, in either case, either the Order died 
out, or the Franciscans were no more ! 

The Dominicans also, before arriving at their final Rule,^ 
instituerunt possessiones nee habere, ne praedicationis impe- 
diretur officium, sollicitudine terrenorum, sed tantum reditus 
eis adhuc habere complacuit. ^ The reditus is, so to speak, 

1 Item possessiones seu reditus nulla mode recipiantur. 

2 SS. Ord. Praed. I, 33. Jord. c. 23 : cfr. ib. c, 38. 


the economic result of a right over that which belongs to 
some one else ; refusing this also, the Dominicans had to 
be content in the end with another expedient of a formal 

Before we study the answer of Gregory IX, which is 
dictated by some jurist who has a thorough grasp of things, 
let us cast a glance backwards at the Franciscan band 
as it returns from the first interview with Innocent III. 
The socii and the Saint, as they move towards Assisi, are 
no longer the same who had set forth from the little 
Umbrian city. Or perhaps we had better say they were 
followed by an invisible, impalpable figure — a "fictitious" 
figure, to use the old legal language — stronger than they, 
and mistress of their individual wills. This mysterious 
figure is that of the *' persona jmidica'\ 

The Franciscan Order had come into being. A single 
word from the Pope had created the spectre, tyrannical, 
immortal. The ecstatic companions of Francis might pass 
away, one and all, but this figure remained in the reno- 
vated family. By the irony of fate an academic conception 
ruins the Saint's ideal : yet the juridical idea is but the 
outward aspect given to one of the greatest manifestations 
of social life that the world has ever seen. As long as 
the Companions of Assisi constituted a free Brotherhood, 
whose ends coincided with those of the individual's per- 
fection, no external power could have imposed on them 
rules by which to reach the predetermined goal. 

The Society itself demanded no more than a partial 
sacrifice of the individual's activity ; and the individual was 
not entirely torn away from other social bonds. No com- 
mon life, no exterior forms were necessitated by the linking 
together of the members, united solely by the common 


religious ideal. But afterwards things changed. Of the 
free society whose aim was to interpenetrate the whole 
of the great society of mankind, was bom a new being 
which had no relation with her mother, who died in bring- 
ing her into the world. 

There was one Order the more — nothing else. Its vi- 
gorous life is revealed in the robust frame, in the functions 
and in the needs of the organism. The story of primitive 
monasticism repeats itself in the twelfth century. Fleeing 
from Christicui society, since they were not satisfied with 
such perfection as that society could offer, the ascetics had 
asked of the deserts and of their own souls the way to 
attain sanctity. The abbot or head of a monastery col- 
lecting those anti-social elements within the cloister, on the 
model of non-Christian institutions, created a special type 
of corporation, viz, the coenobitic life. ^ The ideal of 
perfection which this enshrines is no longer that of the 
hermits who dwelt in caverns ; nay, the benefit of asso- 
ciation makes itself felt even in the pursuit of the supreme 
evangelical ideals. Woe to the solitary ! The individual, 
if he attempt to govern himself, is lost. ^ Individuals live 
in the cloister ; the cloister itself has a life entirely its own. 
The monks can remain, as before, entirely faithful to evan- 
gelical poverty ; ^ but the monastery, by the mere fact of 
its existence, is the necessary negation of poverty. Hence 
it is only the individual that is to be poor : the institution 
may, for the greater glory of God, become proprietor of 
boundless wealth. 

I E. Lotting, Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts, I, 332. Harnadi, 
Das Monchtum, seine Ideale und seine Geschichte. 

' Plerique sunt qui, nisi omnia reliquerint, salvari nequeunt : Greg. M. Ep. 
Ill, 31. Hence the necessity of Monasteries. 

3 Mignc. LXXIII. 89. 284, 904 etc. 


Scarcely has the Brotherhood of Assisi reached the 
threshold of monastic institutions when doubts begin to arise. 
A single man may calmly fly in the face of every eco- 
nomic principle, and embrace absolute poverty, if he be 
so disposed : nay, he may even die of abstinence. ^ But 
for an institution this is not possible. To maintain its exi- 
stence it must possess a minimum of goods, be it but the 
merest scrap of that hated " property '*. Legally the actual 
word may be avoided: one may say "use", "usufruct" 
" precario" . But these distinctions count for less than 
nothing in the language of economics, and do not alter 
the nature of the facts. In strict logic the "proprietor", 
if he would live, must needs beg alms of the '* usufruc- 
tuary"; the latter, who has no proprietary rights, is much 
better off than the former, who is the real owner of all. 
Such are the subtleties which were employed in the attempt 
to reconcile poverty with riches ! 

And did Francis understand that Poverty would not be 
welcomed in the Order as she had been received in his 
own heart ? It would appear from the words of Gre- 
gory IX that the saint had felt some doubt. Assuredly 
if the evangelical precept were to be observed without a 
gloss of any kind, there was only one remedy, and that 
a somewhat radical one : — the dissolution of the Order ! 
But the strange solution of the problem does but serve to 
shew that Francis in spreading abroad with Nazarene gen- 
tleness this love of poverty, had no thought of founding 
an Order. Neither he nor his first companions were fitted 

I Reuter. Gesch. der religiose Aufklarung im Mittelalter, 1875-7. II, 183 
seqq. But the obligation to labour must not be forgotten. R. 81-2. Contra 
otiam; cfr. Caaaian, Inst. Coenob. II, 2; CV. 19. 


to lay its foundations. ^ All the great founders of Rules, 
as we shall shortly see, desired to have the monk poor 
and indeed incapable of rights, in order to remove from 
him the inconvenience of temptation. Yet none the less 
did the brethren surmount the passes of the Alps in order 
to obtain from the Emperor the confirmation of those pri- 
vileges thanks to which their monasteries acquired and kept 
dominions of monstrous extent : and not a few of them 
busied themselves in making money. '^ In the final resort, 
the true "proprietor" was always God, or the patron 
Saint. 3 

Now for Pope Gregory's interpretation of the Rule. 
"Neither the individual Brethren", he says "nor the Order 
{nzc in communi, nee in speciali) may have property, but 

1 Venerius when asked by St. Romuald to what Order he belonged, replied 
that being free from every subjection, he wished to follow " quod sibi utilius vi- 
deretur": S. P. Dam. II, 215 (c. 24 Vit. Rom.). Just also is the judgement 
of a certain cardinal on the Minorites : autonomi : Isti sunt sicut aces, non 
hahentes nidos : Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 222. On vagabond monks {gyrovagt) : 
Deer. Grat. C. XVI, I, 1 7 and Rufini, Summa (ed. Scbulle) 3 1 3-4 : Sara- 
bastae id est azephali et gyrovagi... apud Deum et ecclesiam abominabiles sunt. 
This is the danger of " free " monks. 

2 S. P. Dam. Ep. VI, 32 (Op. I, 115): Non parvis ad Teutonum partes 
Imperator expetitur ; pragmaticae sanctiones cum singulis (signis ?) imperialibus 
advehuntur. (The reading " singulis " gives no sense). 

3 For the juridical condition of the monasteries in the Roman period and 
those that followed, the reader should consult Gierke, Deutsche Genossenschafts- 
recht. III, 1 1 9 seqq. and the abundant literature cited there ; the following works 
may also be added : Ruffini, (in the " Studi offerti a F. Schupfer ") Storia del 
diritto italiano, 326 ; Bmgi, Istituzioni di diritto privato giustinianeo I, 112; and 
the recent work of Knecbt, System des Justinianischen Kirchenvermogensrechts, 
56 seqq, (in the " Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen " edited by Siutz, XXII 
Heft, Stuttgart 1905). The Cod. Theod. (V, 3, unica) assures to the mona 
stery the right of succession to the property of the religiosus who dies without 
heirs and intestate, after the model of other corporate institutions (Elcclesia, vexil- 
latio, etc.) ; a fact which would seem to exclude Knecht's doubt as to whether 
the monastery can, in ancient times, have been assimilated to the pia c&usa. 
The monastery, as a juridical person, is responsible for the obligations of the in- 
dividual monk: cfr. Greg. M. Ep. III. 61 ; MG. Reg. 220 ; Justin. Nov. V. 4. 


they may have the use of the utensils and of those articles 
of furniture which it is lawful for them to have, and may 
use them according to the regulations that shall be laid 
down by the Minister general and the Ministers provincial, 
salvo locorum et domorum dominio illis ad quos noscitur 
pertinere ". The last touch, which is the most importamt, 
has need of a little gloss itself. And it is curious to note 
that the jurist who edited the Bull apparently meant in 
this cdry formula to skip lightly over the question of real 
property. The Bull expladns that any relation subsisting 
between real property and the Minorites (whether the 
entire Order, or single members) cannot have juridical 
effects of a kind to modify the legal relation which exists 
between a thing and its legitimate proprietor. Since the 
Minorites are forbidden to have property, not even a 
century of possession would give them the ownership of 
a house ; any donation of realty to them would be null 
and void, and so on. They can have everything except 
proprietorship-^use, usufruct, tenancy. The Bull treats the 
Minorites in a way almost exactly parelleled by our mo- 
dern laws for the suppression of religious corporations ; 
when we have an excellent legitimate proprietor who will 
content himself with his high-sounding title and leave the 
humble enjoyment of the actuality to a monastery that is 
incapable of possessing — then Poverty under an alien roof 
finds not the least token of proprietas. Juridical science, 
starting from the idea of proprium banned by the Rule, had 
solved the controversy. The faithful laity, or the Church, 
could be proprietors, for the sole purpose of not depriving 
the Franciscans of the use of realty and personalty of which 
the Order had need. 

Celano in his treatise De Paupertate shewed a perfect 


understanding of the Bull ; but the later compilers of the 
so-called Speculum Perfectionis when they cite examples 
from it, or comment upon it, obviously either fail to un- 
derstand, or are unwilling to take in the spirit of it. ' 

In such difficulties Celano lays aside the rhetorician's 
art to take up that of the glossator. Nolebat {Frandscus)^ 
he writes, paraphrasing the words of the Bull, locellum 
aliquam fratres inhabitare, nisi certus ad quern proprietas 
pertineret constaret patronus : he was unwilling that the 
Brethren should inhabit any place, however modest, without 
the certainty that the property in question had an owner. 
So (we must suppose) the Saint read in the Bull... that 
was written four years, all but six days, after his death! 
Even on his death-bed he would accept only the *'com- 
modato " of a pair of breeches, lest he should be conta- 
minated by ownership. ^ 

To hear a thing spoken of as "his", pained him ex- 
cessively. One day, says Celano, a Brother " in heremo 
Sartiani " when asked whence he came answered : ** I 
come from the cell of Bro. Francis. " Francis overheard 
it, and brusquely exclaimed : " Because thou hast given 
my name to the cell, making me the proprietor of it (ap- 
proprians earn mihi), I will never set foot in it again. 
Let him dwell in it who will, not I. " ^ Grave was the 
fault of that Brother. Cassian teaches: " Ne verbo qui- 
dem audeat quis dicere aliquid SUUM ; magnum sit crimen 

» R. II, 2 seqq. Spec. c. 5 seqq. 

2 R. 117 ; III, 139. But Celano has failed to observe that the proprietas 
of the breeches is but passed on to the man who lent them — himself also a Mi' 
Dorite. Here we observe the inconvenience of too much zeal I Cfr. It- 51. 
Ill, 36. Spec. c. 35. Where the 'loan* (mutuo) of a mantle is spoken of: 
a word that shews how shaky Celano is in his Law. 

3 R 37 II. 5 ; Spec. c. 9. 


ex ore monachi procedisse : CODICEM MEUM, TABULAS 
MEAS . . ." ' We must not, however, fail to observe that 
what is condemned is not common ownership, but personal 
proprietorship by the individual monk. Malediction on him 
who when entering the monastery reserved for himself even 
the least trifle ad proprium ! ^ Terrible is the rite where- 
with is pursued even the dead corpse of the Brother who 
lived guarding a little hoard from which death alone could 
part him ! ^ All must be "in common ". Whoso filches 
the things that belong to all, shall be cast in sterquilinio, 
and the imprecations of his Brethren shall be his well-earned 
obsequies. The writer who adduces the cruel ceremony 
as an "example", is the same who gave liberally to mo- 
nasteries and, when Pope, defended their property most 
energetically. It is not possible, them, that a clever man 
like Thomas of Celano should have fmled to distinguish 
between common and personal ownership : if he deftly 
confounded the two, he had his reasons for doing so. An 
indication on this matter may be found in his narrative. 
"God", he makes Saint Francis say, "lived for forty 
days in a cave ; sequi eum possumus in forma praescripta 
nihil proprietatis habendo, licet praeter mum domorum 

1 Caisian. Inst, coenob. IV, 13; CV. 55. Reg. Basil, c. 4. 5. 29. in 
Holstenius. Codex Reg. mon. 1759, I, 67 seqq. Cfr. Vetus Disciplina mona- 
stica ed. Parisii 1726, 177; Bern. Ord. Clun. c. 1 9 : Nihil appellat singulariter 
3uum, sed ad omnia dicit nostrum, nisi de patre et matre et de peccato. 

2 Cassian. Inst. Coenob. VII, 7 and 9 ; CV. 133 and 143; cfr. Migne. 
LXXIII, 899 : De eo quod monachus nihil debet possidere. Cassian. CoiJ. 
Mon. V, 8; cfr. IV, 20; CV. 128-9; 117; cfr. Knecbt. Op. c. 60. 

3 Greg. M. Dial. IV, 55. Inn. III. Ep. V. 82 ; Hareau, Op. c. 253, 
cites the same fact from an instance given by Jacques de 'Oitry (Bibl. nat. Piur. 
Mas. lat. No. 1 7509 f . 43 v.), which I have not found in the collection of 
Crane ; No. 1 77 (p. 75) refers to the burial of an usurer, not of a frate 
" proprietario ". 


vivere non possimus".^ It would seem that usus here 
takes the place of proprietas to demonstrate the poverty 
of the Order : and that in deference to the Bull. 

That which follows in the Treatise, where the much- 
celebrated poverty of the wooden booths is treated of, 
and the scientific and domestic furniture, makes quite clear 
the embarrassment of the biographer/ Who was the ovmer 
of those things of which the use was permitted to the 
Minorites ? And did not the stem monastic fortress which 
rose in Assisi at the foot of the olives, where the Saint 
had laid his frsdl body, supply an impressive confutation 
of all the empty formulas ? ^ Celano, following in the steps 
of the Bull, attempted, though without success, to allay 
discords and tempests ; but none knew better than he the 
uselessness of such an effort. He himself, in common with 
the entire Order, was struggling with the extraordinary 
difficulties of the problem which confronted those who 
would fain be with the Rule and with the Pope, with 
the ideal and the actual at the sjime time. And perhaps 
he scarcely hoped that juridical distinctions could have 
saved the whiteness of the most pure spouse of Francis. 
As a melancholy synthesis of his thought Celano finally 
calls up again the vision of the famous statue of Daniel : * 

I R. 37. Ill, 5. (The text, corrupt in Rosedale's edition is corrected in that 
of P. Alenfon p. 216). 

* R. 36 seqq. Ill, I seqq. Spec. c. 5 seqq. Wooden huts were even 
better than the arundineae ruslicorum tegetes (S. P. Dam. Ep. I, 15 ; Op. I, 

3 V. Aegidii, Acta SS. Ill Apr. 237. Gazing at the sumptuous buildings 
of Assisi Aegidius (or whoever speaks in his name) exclaims : " Now all that 
is wanting is... wives for the frati I " The vow of Poverty had been dispensed ; 
that of chastity would doubtless come next. 

4 R. 47. III. 26. Daniel. II, 31 seqq. Cfr. Joacb. in Jerem. 314. 


material ancient enough in all conscience, but adapted to 
the critical occasion. ' 

Thus we can see how the ** Second Life " if it did 
nothing else, prepared the most inflammable material for 
the blaze of the *' Speculum^'. 

A multitude of sayings and narratives, always on the 
subject of poverty, of love of the poor, and of exsecration 
of money — such is the average compendium of Celano's 
literary thefts. For him certainly, property did, and did 
not exist. Let us give an example or two. The wish 
for wooden cells, lightly constructed after the fashion of 
booths is an inspiration drawn by Celano from the ancient 
monastic precept : neque mittas fundamentum, ut aedifices 
tibi cellam aliquando.^ Agathon abandoned his cell as 
soon as he had the unpleasant surprise of seeing in it 
quaedam non utilia ; and Saint Francis hates to have in 
the cells utensils multa et exquisita.^ If a Brother gives 
himself the luxury of a pillow, he is placing under his 
head a nest of diabolical spirits. As a matter of fact the 
Minorites were not like the rest who, in a house that was 
their own, possessed no such things as pillows ; on the 
contrary, when they had entered the cloister they could 

1 Spec. c. 2 cfr. p. 11. The unica tunica (R. 42, III, 1 5) (if I may so 
say) the new symbol of the sect of the " Apostoli ", who however are obliged 
occasionally to stay in bed while the one garment is being dried after the wash I 
Salimbene, 121 ; EbrU, in Arch, fur Litt. und Kirchengesdi. des Mittelalt. 1886; 
II, 131. On the sumptuous buildings see Vita Aegidii, in Acta SS. T. Ill 
Apr. 237 : on Poverty : Ubertini de Casali, Arbor vitae crucifixae ; ed. Venetiis 
1485. Lib. V, 1. (no page-numeration). Compare for the clothes and hoaen 
of monks, Cassian. Inst. Coenob. I, 2, 7, 9 ; CV. 6-14. 

2 Migne. LXXIII, 906. 

3 Migne. LXXIII, 888-9. R. 38; HI, 6. I Vita 51 : Nee vasculum in 
domo aliquod residere. 


not close their eyes if the accustomed soft support for the 
night were lacking. ^ 

Meagre was the fare of Francis, affording an example 
of abstinence. ^ If in his very observance of the Gospel 
he was induced occasionally to eat fowls' flesh, his fol- 
lowers were not to imitate him with too great assurance. 
In Alessandria a certain knave found Francis with that 
luxurious dish in front of him, and played him a scurvy 
trick with regard to it. He waited till the following day 
when Francis was preaching, and while the people were 
hanging upon his lips he proceeded to brandish a large 
piece of capon, crying out : " Behold the preacher of non- 
sense ! A fine Saint in sooth ! Yesterday he ate of 
this!" And he displayed his capon... Capon? But 
every one beheld — a fish ! The pious fraud of a miracle 
had saved the reputation of the man of Assisi. ^ These 
are Bro. Galdino's wares. 

But we can guess whence Thomas drew his unfortunate 
inspiration. Fish did not always take the place of flesh 
on the saints' tables in a miraculous way. Hence Cae- 
sarius of Heisterbach records how certain abbots kept 
their faith to the Rule that forbade the eating of flesh. 
If fish was not forth coning they were fain to put flesh 
on the table artistically served up in the form of fish.* 
Friars have never been wanting in cleverness; and Celano 
drew from the example of those abbots his picture of the 
unsavoury hypocrite of the miracle of Alessandria. 

1 R. 39. Ill, 10. Spec. c. 98. Cfr. Bull. ed. Taur. III. No. 17. a». 
1198; 134-5 Jacques de Vitr\). Exempla No. 84. Cfr. 1 Vita 52: Sedens, 
nee eJiter se dep>onens donnitabat, pro cervicali, ligno vel lapide uten*. 

2 R 38; III, 7. Spec. c. 20. 

3 R 46; III. 24. 

4 Greg. M. Dial. I. 1. Cats. V. 3 (I, 343). 


The Rule of the Minorites forbade the handling of 
money. A hesitating Brother was tempted by a purse 
which lay by the road side, swollen with coins ; but a 
horrible serpent issuing from the purse saved the soul of 
the monk and the observance of the precept. ' It must 
be left to the savant to consider how Thomas came to 
be familiar with an Indian story which, according to the 
learned researches of Alessandro d'Ancona, is one of the 
sources of the Novellino. ^ 

Further parallels might be adduced ad nauseam ; but 
we would not abuse the patience of any who may chance 
to read these pages. We will only add that Saint Fran- 
cis — and an Egyptian monk a little before him — sell the 
New Testament and give the price to the poor : obedient 
to the precept which the Book contains ; ^ the Saint of 
Assisi — and a canon of Cologne — draw off their breeches 
as soon as a poor wretch asks for them. "* All will re- 

1 R. 41-2; III, 14. 

2 A. D'Ancona, Studi di cridca e storia letteraria, !880; 337. Novellino 
No. 83. Budda, travelling with a companion discovered a heap of gold and 
precious stones. " Behold '*, he cried, a venomous serpent I " [Avadanas trad. 
Julien I, 60]. The hesitation of a frate confronted by a half penny — should he, 
or should he not pick it up ? — is described in Migne, LXXllI, 790. 

3 R. 51 ; 111, 35. Spec. c. 38. Da matri nostrae novum testamenlum. 
ut vendat illud pro sua necessitate, quia per ipsum monemur subvenire paupe- 
ribus. Cfr. Migne, 1. c. 772-3. The story passes into the Life of Joannes 
EJeemosinarius, ib. 359 ; then into Jacques de Vilry, No. 98. Crane (1 76), 
incorrectly cites this Life as primary source of the Exemplum of de Vitry. The 
original (?) attribution of the deed is to Serapion and shews whither absolute doc- 
trines logically lead. The Gospel destroys the Gospel. The old story smacks 
of the subtle Hellenic genius. 

4 /^. 51 ; 111, 34. Nonnumquam etiam ob simile opus femoralia traxit. 
Spec. c. 34. The narrative of Thomas of Eccleston, MG. SS. XXVllI, 561, 
records only the gift of a tunic belonging to the Saint (i. e, as a relic) : he has 
nothing to do with the Seiint's charity ; {Sabatier ib. 65). Caes. VI, 5 {Strange 
I. 346-7) : Quidam dixerunt nunquam se legisse de aliquo homine, quae tantae 
fuerit circa pauperes compassionis (R. 48 De compassione s. F. ad pauperes)... 
Juxta ecclesiam B. M. — quia vestem aliam exuere non potuit, aspiciente paupere. 


member a charming scene described by our biographer 
who, when he likes, is a perfect master of his art. Hard 
by the dear Porziuncola " a Brother " returning from his 
round of collecting alms, raises his voice in resounding 
praises to the Lord. " Blessed be thou, my brother ! " 
exclaims Saint Francis. The Lives of the Fathers trans- 
port us to Oxyrrhyncus, the city of the papyri and of 
the poor. A beggar who is waiting for alms, half naked, 
his teeth chattering in the cold night air, — he too gives 
thanks so the merciful God : " Thanks to Thee, Lord ! 
1 am free, while so many rich folk pine in fetters ; I am 
like an emperor, 1 go where I list ! '* ^ He is the type 
of the happy poor, as was Francis himself, and as the 
Saint wished all his spiritual sons to be. Inexhaustible is 
the Franciscan piety ! Francis even imitates Moses, making 
a spring of water burst from the rock to refresh the thirst- 
ing poor ; and the narrative itself, to tell the truth, flows 
in most limpid stream from the Gregorian Dialogues ; while 
Saint Bonaventure opens the magic book once more to 
complete a phrase which his predecessor in the plagiarist's 
work had left half finished ! ^ 

femoralia sua solvit, et cadere dimisit. — When he returned home the good Ens- 
frid kept hold on his mantle to conceal the lack of breeches, and one of his 
relatives remarked : " Satis puto quod non habeatis braccas ". Tale aliquid non 
legitur in actis s. Martini, plus fail braccas dare, quam pallium dividere. This 
is the reeison why the legendary " socii " go about in public with so little on. 
The comment of Caesarius (plus fuit etc.) was repeated by Celano. Another 
example of giving away one's own clothes is given in Greg. M. Dial. 1, 9. 

1 /?. 45 : 111, 22. Migne, LXXIII, 904 : datia tibi, Domine ; quanti sunt 
modo divites in custodia, qui etiam in ferro sedent, aut pedes habent in ligno 
constrictos I... Ego autem, velut imperator sum, extendens pedes meos, et ubi volo 
ambulo ! — The compilers of the " Speculum " say pauper spiritualis ; and accor- 
ding to Sabatier, Thomas, copying from Bro. Leo, would have feuled to realise 
that it was not a question of a frate but of a poor man : forgetting that the 
instance comes under the heading De petenda beleemosyna. 

2 R, 30-1 (II, 15): Stupenda Dei dignatio; e Greg. Dial. II, 8: Mira.., 


Poverty and knowledge : — how were they reconcilable 
in days where it was absolutely necessary for the student 
to possess his little hoard of books ? Certainly if there 
had been public libraries they would have relieved the 
Minorites of one cause of disquietude ! Saint Francis, who 
is consistently described by his biographer as perfectly il- 
literate, ' would only tolerate a few books : "" those, we 
must understand, which were absolutely necessary, to the 
exclusion of such luxuries as those beautifully written and 
illuminated manuscripts which were the traditional delight 
of the learned monk. ^ What is it, after all, that books 
teach ? and what is wishom ? It is the eye of love that 
penetrates and illumines the darkness of ignorance, writes 
Gregory the Great. Love soars up beyond where intel- 
lect can pass. Beautiful words, which Celano places side 
by side with kindred conceits found elsewhere ; '^ which 

et stupenda. 5. Bonav. Acta SS. T. II Oct. 647; n. 101 -I and Dial, cit 
II, 8. Nam in aqua ex petra producta Moysen, in ferro... Elisaeum ; and S. Bo- 
naventura : In eductione aquae de petra conformis extitit Moysi, sic in multipli- 
catione victualium Elisaeo. The miracle is old and frequent : Migne, LXXIII, 

1 This does not however hinder the Saint from repeating what Gregory (Mo- 
ral. VIII, in c. 8 Job, No. 72) gives to orators on sacred subjects (III, 99-100) 
Spec. c. 73. It is the old Horatian precept. Mens igne divini amoris non calei... 
Inflammare auditores nequeunt verba quae frigida corde proferuniur (Greg.). 
And Celano: Debet... priur intus calescere, quam iom frigida verba proferre. 
Cfr. Inn. Ill, Op. 61 : Ardeat igitur ignis in corde, ut lingua congrue sonet in 

2 R. 38 (III 8). 

3 S. P. Dam. Op. Ill, 392. Cfr. Uus Gembl. aeccl. in Abbandl. der 
k. Akad. d. Wiss. Berlin 1893; 123-4. Salimhene. Chr. 186. 

4 R. 56 (III, 45) ; Ubi magistralis scientia foris est, affectus introibat amantia. 
E prima: penetrabat... mysteriorum abscondita. Gieg. M. Moral. IV in c. 3 
Job : quae... veritatis intelligentia cum per cordis humilitatem quaeritur, legendi 
assiduitate penetratur ; ib. in c. 5 Job; No. 12: Amor ad meditandum pertrahit, 
tensus hebetudo contradicit. Migne, LXXIII, 908 : Magis de puritate mentis 
orovide securitatem edicendi sermonem. Cfr. R. 97-8 : Praeodorabat etiam tem- 
?ora... in quibus occasionem ruinae fore scientiam. Spec. c. 68. On the other 


the amplifiers of Sabatier's " Speculum **, more angry still 
at the invasion of knowledge, reinforce with original rea- 
ding fron the "Lives of the Fathers"/ 

The Lord is so lavish of his gifts to the Saint that 
Francis explains the difficult passages of Scripture as well 
as — or even better than — a professional theologian. Any 
one who had questioned him as to the hidden meaning 
of an obscure passage, would doubtless have repeated the 
words of Sulpicius Severus ^ in praise of the natural wisdom 
of that Martin who had certainly been more conversant 
with battle-fields than with books : " Never have I heard 
issue from the mouth of man so much knowledge and so 
much eloquence ! " Perhaps this was the reason why the 
humble ignoramus could stand fearless before the "holy 
athlete" of the Christian faith. Saint Dominic, who had 
devoted so many years of his youth to his first love, the 
study of theology. Cardinal Ugolino, wishing to put new 
life into the Holy Orders and purify them by the intro- 

hand sapientia nutritur studio litterarum : Bull, Franc. I, No. 42 (Greg. IX 
an. 1229). 

A sulky attitude towards science and literature is characteristic of the old 
monasticism from St. Jerome onwards. Cfr. Vita S. Rom. MG. SS. Merov. 
Ill, 138. 

1 Spec. c. 8 corresponds to R. 38 (III, 8). The compilers of the pseudo- 
Speculum repeat the answer of Macarius to Theodore ; Habeo tres codices et 
proficio ex lectione eonim. Sed et fratres petunt eos ad legendum, et ipsi pro- 
ficiunt. Die... mihi : Quid debeo facere ? Answer : Boni sunt quidam actus, 
sed melius omnibus est nihil possidere : Migne, 1. c. 889 ; 890. Observing 
the books of a monk Serapion says : Tulisti ea quae erant viduarum et orpha- 
norum et posuisti in fenatra. Viderat enim earn codicibus plena ; cfr. 929 : 
replesti fenestras de chartis. R. 98 : libri ad nihilum utiles in fenestris proician- 
tur, says Celano ; but then, by adding in latebris, he seems to shew that he has 
not rightly understood his authority. 

2 Vita S. Martini c. 75. CV. 135. Cfr. Migne. LXXIII, 915: Crede 
mihi multos codices legi et talem eruditionem numquam inveni ; answer of a novice 
to the sentence of Evagrius which may be compared with the words : Theologia viri 
huius... est aquila volans {R. 57. Ill, 47). Cassian, also (Inst. Coenob. V. 
23. [V. 106-7]), says that profound knowledge comes irom sola puritas cordis. 


duction of the monastic element, asks of the two Saints : 
" Why may we not make your frati bishop and priests ? 
Was it not so in the primitive Church, when the pastors 
were poor men, free from avarice and full of charity? 
Francis' reply did not hinder the other Saint from saying 
to him : "I would that thy Religion and mine formed a 
single institution and our manner of life in the Church were 
the same". Are we to reject as mere legend the meeting 
of the two Patriarchs, ^ or to accept as true Celano's nar- 
rative, granting to the fact that Saint Dominic was in 
Rome in 1218 the dignity of an historical proof ? ^ Sa- 
batier, not content v^th the conversation between the heads 
of the two Orders in Rome, prolongs the interview to 
the y^ of June, 1218, in the general chapter of the Por- 
ziuncola ; regardless of the fact that our information is 
derived from Bartolomeo da Pisa. Bartolomeo in his Con- 
formitates has naturally selected the " capitolo delle stuoie ",'^ 
with its five thonseind Brethren, the most miraculous scene 
of all,^ the most solemn parliament of the Franciscan world, 
to form a frame for the grandest figures of his picture. 
But there is one unfortunate circumstance. The chapter 
in question met, says Jordanus with great exactness a. d. 
122 J decimo Kal. Junii, indictione 14'^, sancto die pen- 

1 R. 76 (III, 86,87). Spec. c. 43. 

2 Hase, Op. c. 71-2. 

3 Sabatier, Vie 244 ; 247 seqq. 

4 Voigt, 1. c. 490 seqq. Bart. Liber. G)nfonn. I fructus 10; cfr. 11 fruc- 
tu» 12 (ed. Bononiae 1590; 139, V. 269). 

5 S. Sonavenlura (Acta SS. Oct. II, 639 No. 52) i« perhaps the first to 
relate that the Dioine clemency; catered for the vast assembly. How this was 
done Bartolomeo o( Pisa tells us, repeating the miracle of S. Fronto {Migne, 
LXXIU, 438) ; cfr. Actus No. 20 ; Fior. No. 18. The camels of the Orient are 
transformed into the horses and mules of the gentry of Assisi and Perugia ; and 
Francis* sermon is not very different from the oration of the old hermit who exhorts 
the Brethren to trust in Providence that never abandous those who seek Him. 


thecostes, and the same writer leaves no room for doubt 
as to the identity of this chapter, by his mention of the 
great fratrum multitudo. ' Another sure countersign is 
furnished by the record of the theme of Saint Francis' 
sermon on that occasion, though the sermon itself would 
seem, according to Jordanus' version, to have been some 
what less elevated than Celano would make out. "" 

Turning now to the "Second life" we find that the 
narrative of the charming scene between the two Saints^ 
is given under the heading de Humilitate. ^ Humility — 
Gregory the Great and Thomas are agreed — is the guardian 
and the glory of all virtues. There cannot be too many 
exsunples of it. Thomas advances deliberately, step by 
step, and groups together designs and ideas. When the 
Franciscan family has increased, Francis 3delds the govern- 
ment of it to the jurist Pietro Cattani, ^ amid the sighs of 
the Brethren ; he gives them the example of humility in 
submitting himself devoutly to the vicar whom he himself 
has chosen. A little discourse was obviously in point 
here. Saint Francis commends to the Lord his beloved 
family, as Pachomius had commended his, ^ and gives se- 

1 c. 16; 'Ooigt, 1. c. 523: The Speculum, c. 68 makes no mention of 
St. Dominic in its description of the chapter " </e storeis". 

2 Jord. 1. c. Benedictus Dominus meus qui... And Celano, R. 96: Vo- 
luptas brevis, poena perpetua etc. But probably the sermon does not really 
belong to the " capitolo dalle stuoie " ; Bartolomeo adopted it because it fitted 
in nicely, and because of its solemn tone, suited to a vast reunion of frali. For 
a comparison of the preaching of Christ with that of Francis, see Conform, cit. 
II, 12 [264]. 

3 R. 77. Discedentibus autem inde, rogavit b. Dominicus s. Franciscum ut 
sibi cordam, qua cingebetur, dignaretur concedere. Lentus ad hoc s. Franciscus 
laudem humilitate renuens etc. Learning bows dovn before simplicity. 

4 R. 73. 

5 Sabatier. Spec. 70-1 note 2. Jord. c. 1 ; "Ooigt, 1. c. 520. R. 74; 
(111, 81): Spec. c. 39. 

^ R. 74 cit. Domine, tibi recommendo familiam, quam mihi hactenus com- 


vere admonitions also to the Ministers. Such counsels were 
called for because the Minorites, while issuing victorious 
out of many trials did not always resist the tempting offer 
of prelacies within the Order, or of ecclesiastical dignities. 
In vain the Saint cried, and cried again: "We are de- 
signed to help the ecclesiastics, for the saving of souls : let 
us work in harmony with them ! " ' Whatever Domini- 
cans may have thought, Francis' spirit did not welcome 
even the suggestion of Cardinal Ugolino to imitate the 
** primitive custom " — and, we may add the oriental tra- 
dition — of drawing ecclesiastical prelates from the Religious 
Orders. Thomas of Celano represents and defends these 
ideas of the Founder : ideas which, in the inevitable reac- 
tion that so constantly recurs in the history of monasticism, 
were vigorously contested by the tendencies of the Order 
after the Patriarch's death. "" The Minorites should remain 

misisti ; cfr. Migne, LXXIII, 263 : Memento, Domine, studiorum meorum... 
memento famulonim tuorum, qui tibi tota mente deserviunt. See also Fior. No. 
13 and Actus No. 13 § 27, where is announced the promise of St. Peter and 
St. Paul substantially identical with that wherewith Jesus comforts Pachomius. 
Animaequior esto, et confortetur cor tuum, quia posteritas tua manebit in saecu- 
lum, nee usque in fine mundi deficiet etc. 

^ R. 75 ; III, 84. Subjection to prelates is forcibly expressed by Greg. M. 
In primum Regum V, 3 No. 42. Magna enim munera etc. and Thomas : 
Elstote subiecti praelatis, etc. 

^ S. Bern. Op. II, 384 : Haec dicta sunt contra... tentationem, quae saef>e 
viri reli^osi episcoporum... ambire gloriam... diabolicis instigationibus incitantur. 
An old story 1 Martene et Durand, V, 1 626 : In Vila patrurn, inveniuntur 
capitula de fugiendo clericatu, nullum invenitur de appetendo clericatu. Cfr. Vita 
S. Rom. in Acta SS. T. Ill Febr. 742 : Cum ad ofiicium clericatus rabida am- 
bitione pervenerint, confestim cothumo elationis inflati, non solum contra coaevos 
digniores, verum etiam supra vetulos ac seniores... juvenculi efferuntur, et nee 
primis saltem simplicibus elementis imbuti, nituntur cathedris, vel sacerdotio prae- 
sidere, qui adhuc pro elatione ac levitate iuvenili, virgis indigent coerceri. The 
Middle Ages had sought a middle course between secular priesthood and mo- 
nasticism, imposing a community- life upon the clergy in cities. The canons were 
to be fnfer duas conversaiionis species, media via : Fantuzzi, Mon. Rav. VI, 
No. 15; an. 1042. 


Minorites and nothing more. And if the Dominicans were 
less rigid, this was no good reason why the Franciscans 
should nourish, towards the spiritual sons of Saint Dominic, 
feelings of rancour and hatred unworthy of the two Pa- 
triarchs. Hence arose the need of a vigorous appeal to 
the sentiments of concord and humility expressed in and 
wonderfully suggestive scene. For this reason I have strong 
suspicions that the conversation between the two Saints is 
purely imaginary. And my fears are enhanced by the 
form of Saint Dominic's aspiration: " Vellem, f rater Fran- 
cisce, unam fieri religionem tuam et meam, et in Ecclesia 
pari forma nos vivere". It resembles too closely that of 
Saint Bernard : ** Omnes ergo concurramus pariter in unam 
tunicam, et ex omnibus constet una*\^ for us to believe 
that it really issued from the lips of that great theologian. 
It is probable that Dominic really judged Francis and the 
Franciscans, much as did that other learned man Innocent III, 
though he may not have expressed his judgement quite so 
harshly. Students, especially in the Middle Ages, lived 
in a world where the impression produced by spontaneous 
popular movements reached them in a diminished and at- 
tenuated form, by reason of the great altitude from which 
they observed — or thought they observed — such phenomena. 
The religious sentiment free from the tentacles of the theo- 
logical syllogism, in the hands of a poor Umbrian preacher, 
was either a flame of heresy, or a simple, ingenuous hymn 
inspired by the eternal poetry of the people. 

As for the example of humility given by the Saint, it will suffice to adduce 
Sampson, who renounces the prelacy of the Abbey because he desires aedere ad 
pedes Domini cum Maria, and vacate contemplationi : Ann. Camald. IV, 375; 
No. 223, an. 121 7. There is no need to mention the other example of Ce- 
lestine V. 

1 Op. II, 546 : Apol. ad G. abb. c. 4. 



ILDEBRANDO Delia Giovanna, in one of the very few 
really scientific monographs on Franciscan subjects that 
have appeared so far, gives us a study of Saint Francis 
as *' giullare di Dio" marked at once by graceful erudi- 
tion and by penetration of thought. And the figure that 
he calls up, is one resembling that bizarre chanter of po- 
pular praises Benedetto da Corneto, as described by another 
bizarre but congenial friar, Salimbene of Parma. ^ And 
even if the examination of the Second Life, and of that 
* Speculum ' which we will continue to call * Sabatier's ' 
— in order to distinguish it from the true Speculum of the 
Second Life — leads us necessarily to reduce to more modest 
proportions Celano's eulogistic picture of the Saint's sim- 
plicity and spiritual gladness, I have no doubt that Delia 
Giovanna' s sketch is true to the life. 

As we have already repeated too often, everything has 
its limits — even the fury of plagiarism, the love of Art 
and of the Order ! The apparition of the Poverello had 
shaken great and small alike ; in him were gathered up, 
in a sense both the living sparks of heretical rebellion, and 
the vague aspirations of a faith incapable of resigning itself 

I Giornale star, della Lett, italiana, XXV, 1 seqq. 14-15. Salimbene, 
Chr. 32-4. 


to languish in the cold atmosphere of catholic dogmatism: 
all the supreme ideals, in fact, of a people that was qui- 
vering with youth and passion. 

The chair — that is, aristocratic thought — creates the theo- 
logian : creates one who will end by deriding evangelic 
simplicity, the humble consciousness of an Aequitius and 
a Francis. When our Saint, abandoning the ways of ordi- 
nary life to lift himself to a loftier plane, and giving utter- 
ance to sentiments universally felt, in the magnificent 
simplicity of his plebeian tongue, succeeds — to use Celano's 
phrase — in " transforming thousands and thousands of liste- 
ners into one single person " ; ' he attains to a genuine 
greatness and a most conspicuous originality which political 
and rhetorical fictions only serve to veil. 

The populace delights always in that which is intimate- 
ly its own. The vague, indefinite fancies which rove 
through its imagination need but the vivifying and defining 
touch of Art, with its intuitive grasp of common ideals, 
to give them a new and victorious entrance into the spirit 
of the people, over which they exercise a powerful do- 
mination. And the form into which these popular thoughts 
and sentiments are so translated, must itself be akin to the 
matter. A theologian from the University of Paris lec- 
turing in Umbria, or in any other part of the world, 
would have missed the applause of a crowd of learned 
students assembled in the halls of science. What a poor 
figure would a professor have cut, with his monotonous 
dialectical distinctions, in face of the people, assembled in 
the open air in sight of mountains and plains ! — yes even 
though those subtleties had been expounded in the idiom 

I I Vita 72 : Populorum maximam muldtudinem, quasi vinim unum ceraebat 
et uni praedicabat. 


of Italy ! It was not thus that the people was used to 
be addressed. Vernacular eloquence had its own proper 
demands, and the first of all was the absence of all pre- 
tence to be eloquent. ^ 

And the external inspiration of the environment must 
needs be no less forcible than the internal. From the 
soft motifs of a song, or of the lays of chivalry (which 
have an epic piety of their own), there was often flung 
off a fervid prayer to the Lord ; like a solemn chorus 
uniting voices that had been festive and tumultuous a mo- 
ment before. Who could distinguish the opening of a 
spontaneous call to religious meditation from the finish of 
a jester's reckless ditty ? The Domini joculatores who 
modulated the cantilene imported from rebellious Provence,^ 
had frequently the cleric's tonsure and the intonation of 
the ecclesiastical chant, which was studied in the most 
famous monasteries.^ Religion and Poetry, song and prayer, 
can never really be separated : they are one thing. The 
example had been set by the Church herself, when she 
borrowed from pagan liturgy those sweetest psalmodies 
which conquered alike the austere spirit of Saint Augustine 
and the impressionable heart of the populace. "^ Proper 

^ How can one fail to recall the words of Peter Chrysologiu bishop of Ra- 
venna ? He says : Populis populariter est loquendum, communio compellanda 
est sermone communi, omnibus necessaria dicenda sunt more omnium ; naturalis 
lingua, chara simplicibus, doctis dulcis : docens loquatur omnibus profutura ; ergo 
hodie imperito verbo veniam dent periti : S, Petri Chn/sologi, Op. (ed. Venetiis 
1742) Sermo XLIII, 69. 

2 Odofredo, 176-7. Memorie carolingie in S. P. Dam. Op. Ill, 104. 
Rolandus Cantapoco is a Tuscan name of the year 1141; 'Dattidsobn, Forsch. 
cit. I, 162. On French works in Italy in the Xlllth century, see Dunlop- 
Wilson, Hist, of Prose Fiction, 1896; II, 43. D'Ancona in Rend. Ace. Lin- 
cei 1 889 ; 420 seqq. Delia GioVanna, 1. c. 22. 

3 S. P. Dam. Op. I. 103; (Ep. VI, 22). 

4 Confess. X, 6, 33 ; CV. 231. 262-4. Cfr. 5. Paul. Eph. V. 19. Can- 


to the liturgical chanting is that free rhythm which one 
might almost call ' oratorical ', since that which we employ 
in a normal recitation is, at bottom, the same thing. ' 

As the cantus adapted itself to the moveable parts of 
the Mass, the original participation of the faithful in the 
solemn sacrifice becsune reduced to a musical dialogue 
between the celebrant and those who were assisting at the 
ceremony. And then both chant and words came out 
again from the Church to return again amongst the people, 
whence they originally sprang. The invasion of profane 
singing was felt as an annoyance by the ecclesiastics. 

Timid penitents would ask their confessor : " Oportet 
nos, pro recreatione et propter intolleranciam laborum, 
quandoque aliquando iocunda cantare ?'* 

And the reply was given: "Songs of the world, no; 
but . . . hoc ipsum placet si de Deo et de S. Maria et 
buiusmodi. " "^ 

Tardy counsel and vain I The Jesters themselves, who 
even in Salimbene*s day ^ had become great rivals of the 
Friars Minor, and frequented the society of priests and 
bishops'^ in the houses of great Churchmen with a view 
to win pardon for their profanity, mixed sacred and secu- 
lar freely together, and combined the strains of gaiety and 

tilenae of the Church, see S. Petri Cbrisologi Sermo CXVI, 116: Resurrec- 
bonem... canttt... Christianus. 

1 F. Flamini, Studi di storia letteraria, 1 13 seqq. 129 seqq. 142 seqq. 
Cfr. La'voix, Hist, de la Musique, 7. 

2 Scbonbacb, in Sitzungsber. cit. CXLVII, 90 (From the sennons of Berthold 
of Regensburg). Delia Giovanna, 1. c. 19 No. 2. 

Cfr. 5. Petri Cbry/s. Serm. X, 17; XCV, 171 ; CXV. 175: cantilena 
< data nobis naturaliter » ad solatium laboris. 

3 Chr, 353. 

4 Deer. Greg. IX ; V, 3, 1 6 ; an. 1 1 66 ? A horse seems to be die cus- 
tomary gift of a bishop to a jester. 


mysticism. ^ It is certain also that the heretics began with 
singing, those meetings which the simple found so alluring ; ^ 
and perhaps they used to develope the argument of their 
discourses on the basis of a popular motif. The prophetic 
words of Saint Augustine were verifying themselves : " Sur- 
gunt indocti et ccelum rapiunt, et nos cum doctrinis, sine 
corde, ecce uhi volutamur in came et sanguine. " ^ The 
sermons and popular discourses which had touched the 
heart of the infidels in the first age of the Church, were 
now alternated with hymns in which rhythms of the lays 
of chivalry gave their soft tone to the afflictions of the 
heroines of romance — or of the Virgin Mary. These form- 
ed a fashionable type of dramatic and religious ceremony 
during the twefth and thirteenth centuries. ^ 

I would not suggest, as does Delia Giovanna, that the 
French speech into which Saint Francis often lapsed in 
his moments of greatest religious enthusiasm, was a common 
way of drawing attention to himself.^ It is evidently a 
question of relapses into rhythm which betray their poetic 

1 On Jacopone da Todi see : D'Ancona, Studi sulla lett. ital. de' primi 
secoli, 1884; 4 seqq. 

S. Simeon Stultus in a tavern fJpgaTO auXstv, i. e. he accompanied himself oh 
the pandura, singing the hymn of the great Nicon, which drove away the de- 
vils: Acta SS. T. I Jul. 157. 

2 Deer. Greg. IX, V, 7, 8. (Cone. Lai. Ill c. 27). On erotic rhythtM 
see Scbonbach, in Sitzungsber. cit. CXLVIl, 119. 

3 Confess. VIII, 8. CV. 186. 

4 This also is old material. We read in the Life of S. Radegonda (MG. 
merov. II, 373-6) that the Saint when certain secular songs were echoing all 
round the monastery, nihil audiise modo saeculare de cantico. Radegonda, in 
ecstatic mood, heard only a religious hymn modulated over popular melodies, 
which were carried over to sacred uses. 

For the comic-religious " Mysteries " of the XIII^^ century, consult Lavoix, 
Hist, de la Musique, 110-2. 

5 R. 13 ; II Vita; I, 8: Quasi spiritu ebrius, lingua gallica petit oleum-*- 
semper enim verba foris eructans gallice ioquebatur se apud illam gentem praecipue 
honorandum praenoscens, et reverentia speciali colendum. An excellent reasoa I 


origin. They are fragments of songs that have remained 
alive in his memory, and by association of ideas, and by 
a psychic process far from mysterious, slip into his discourse 
v/henever a strong excitement, similar to that which the epic 
narrative arouses, reproduces the same nervous commotion. 
Saint Francis, born into a wealthly family, brought up 
in a refinement enhanced further by his embracing the 
noble profession of arms, was doubtless familiar with the 
literature of chivalry in its original tongue, which was also 
the language of aristocratic society. ' The prowess of the 
heroes of the noble land of France, which remained dear 
to him even after his change of life, incited him no longer 
to seek glory in bloodstained battle-fields, but rather to 
win souls to that serenity and peace which the Gospels 
promise. This may be one of the reasons for the " chi- 
valrous " character of the Order — meaning by that word 
that the saint drew the inspiration of his eloquence from 
the very special conditions of religious and artistic feeling 
by which he was environed. And the singing of Saint 
Francis, to whom pious posterity attributes the authorship 
of certain hymns, ^ is followed by his companions, down 
to the very metre used by the Master.^ 

1 Benv. de Ramh. de Imola, Com. super Dantis Aid. Com. (Flor. 1887); 
II, 409: Indignor animo, quando video Italicos, et praecipue nobiles, qui conan- 
tur imitari vestigia eorum el discunt linguam gallicam, asserentes quod nulla est 
pulchrior lingua gallica. — Our old writers justly attributed to the French language 
the power to render ideas more vivid : gallicae animositatis genium servans, et ex 
more patriae verba violenter infringens, says S. P. Dam. Op. II, 204, of a 
lady who made a disturbance because she was not reconciled to having her bus- 
ing band enter the cloister. 

2 Delia QioManna, 1. c. 27, with whom I gladly leave the matter, so as 
not to trespass on others' preserves. Cfr. Spec. ed. Sabatier, 234 and app. ; 
242, Gotz, 50 seqq. The laudes de crealurii are always associated with his 
sermons. Tbode, Franz v. Assisi, 68. 

3 See, e. g.. Vita Aegidii ; Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 239 : Mystico et spiri- 


Absolutely nothing is left to us of those sermons which 
moved the world. Jordanus preserved only the first words 
of the sermon preached at the Chapter of 1221 : " Bene- 
dictus Dominus meus qui..."^ This resembles the be- 
ginning of the laudi of Benedetto da Corneto: "Laudato 
et benedetto et glorificato sia lo patre . . . " ^ Celano ap- 
parently did not like simplicity ; at any rate it is absent 
from the following theme — Voluptas brevis, poena perpetua, 
modica passio, gloria infinita, multorum vocatio, paucorum 
electio, omnium retributio.^ But it comes back in the 
exordium of the sermon at Bologna : Angeli, homines, 
daemones. ^ To folk frenzied with wrath and blood the 
Saint (blessed be his memory and his words!) preached 
not the sweets of Roman orthodoxy and the horrors of 
heresy ; but just "Peace — peace — peace !" The very men 
who were on the point of cutting each other's throats 
remembered at last that they were brethren. ^ If we had 

tuali cantu voluit... monere. And so they become, ignorant as they are, most 
acute interpreters of Scripture : ib. 240. 

1 c. 16; Voigt, I. c. 523. (Ps. CXLIII, init.). 

2 Salimbene, Chr. 32-3. Alleluja, Alleluja ! was the response which 
followed his sermon. 

3 R. 96 ; It is modified by Barth. da Pisa, because the good friar begins 
with the prefatory words : " Magna promisimus, majora promissa sunt nobis. Ob- 
servemus hec, aspiremus ad ilia ". Brevis voluptas etc. "Ooigt is right (1. c. 491 
No. 45) ; the passage must be taken from some homily or other ; but so far 1, 
like Voigt, have not been successful in detecting the source. 

4 Sigonii, Op. Ill, 432 ; MG. SS. XIX, 580. De his autem (writes To- 
maso da Spalato) spiritibus rationabiliter ita bene et districte proposuit, ut multis 
literatis, qui aderant, fieret admirationi non modicae sermo bominis idiotae. By 
idiotae are meant, in scholastic language, those not ' esinaniti ' (according to the 
technical phrase) in the studies and the books of learning. At Bologna, in the 
greatest centre of Italian culture, on the Feast of the Assumption, 1220, the 
Saint had elevated somewhat his style of speaking ; and the vigorous oratory 
was enforced by long practice. The success of that sermon is recorded in Fio- 
retti No. 27 ; Actus No. 36. 

5 L. c. Tota verborum eius materia discurrebat ad extinguendsis inimicitias, 
ad pads foedera reformanda... Tantam Deus verbis illis contulit efficaciam, ut 


no other testimony to the life of the Man of God, this 
would be sufficient to glorify him for ever ; much more 
so than that kind of neurasthenic apotheosis which is ac- 
corded to him in our days. 

In the '* Prima considerazione delle sacre sante stim 
mate " ^ the popular theme is repeated : " Sancto Fran- 
cesco . . . vassene in su la piazza, dove era ragunata iutta 
la moltitudine di iutti questi gentili uomini, et in fervore 
di spirito monta in su uno muricciolo et comincio a pre- 
dicare, proponendo per thema delta sua predica questa 
parola in volgare: 

Tanto e quel bene che io aspetto 
Che ogni pena m'e dilecto'\ 

Thomas of Celano had seen and heard the great prea- 
cher, and had admired him, perhaps, in his own way, 
with the reserve of a man of culture suspicious of anything 
like enthusiasm. He had further taught his Master Gre- 
gory's precepts on sacred oratory ; and had succeeded in 
making of him a Sciint conformable to the canons of the 
hagiographer's art. More could not be expected of him! 
The essentially original figure declined to accomodate itself 
to the conventional garb of monasticism : Francis was still 
too vivid a memory in every heart for his place to be 
entirely taken by a whitewashed symbol of the man. And, 
further, not even Celano would have wished to put his 
hand to a work which would have robbed the Order of 
its glory and of the plaudits of the populace. Simplicity, 
serene spiritual gladness, spontaneous delicacy of act and 

multos nobilium, quorum furor immanis multa sanguinis effusione fuerat debac- 
chatus, ad pacis concordiam simul deduceret. 
' Fioretti, ed. Passerini, 145. 


word had conquered the world. Who would have de- 
nied the lofty endowments of Saint Francis because, (as 
we have seen), he avoided the harsh austerity of Saint 
Benedict, and, smiling and singing, drew folk after him ? 
Art should not trespass beyond certain limits. Celano did 
not lack inspiration, either. The very practice of begging 
from door to door — a hard necessity where work does 
not provide for the day's needs — acquires a sort of charm, 
a sweet poetic confidence in the love of all men. ' Where 
the devil is, gladness is not — and the devil is idleness. ^ 
An old monastic duty, neglected now by the lazy deni- 
zens of cloisters that are little capitals of litde kingdoms, 
helps to preserve that gladness of heart which Saint Francis 
imposes upon all his followers on the ground that Christ's 
servant is immune from the assaults of demons when they 
see him full of holy joy. ^ And there was no harm what- 
ever in making the Saint — ever hilarious like the hermit 
Anthony, '* — repeat, with the famous text-book of monasti- 
cism : " Qui querulosus est, monachus non est. " ' 

Not content with pouring out his soul in praises of the 

1 Reg. c. 5, 6. De modo laborandi - De petenda eleemosyna. R. 43 seqq. 
II, 17 ; Spec. c. 26. R. 81.2 III, seqq. Celano with the words: Liceal, san- 
ctus pater, etc. begins the lamentations for the extremely rapid decadence of the 

2 Migne. LXXIII, 934. 789. 923, 934. 942 ; Cassian. Inst. Coenob. X. 
173 seqq. This is why the hermit Aegidius lives by selling " sportellae " that 
he makes ; Migne, 886 : Sportas - distrahendas per plateas circumferret ; Casaian. 
Inst. Coenob. IV. 39 ; CV. 67. Acta SS. Ill Apr. 223 ; faciebat etiam quae- 
<iam laboricia de juncis. 

3 R. 66; III. 65. Spec. c. 95. 

4 Migne, LXXIII. 156; V. Ant. c. 40 : Semper hilarem faciem gerens ; 
cfr. ib. p. 965 : Misericordem in bilaritate ; ib. 1161 (Hist. Laus. Vita abb. 
Apoll.). Licebat autem eos videre exultantes in solitudine, adeo ut nuUam eius- 
modi aliam exultationem in terra videre liceat, nee laetitiam corporalem. Neque 
enim erat inter eos aliquis moestus. aut tristis, etc. 

5 Migne, UCXIII. 922 (V. 9 No. 54) ; cfr. 924. 


Lord and of His creatures, Francis longs also for the har- 
mony of a cithern, to make him forget for a moment the 
cruel pain of his eyes. In the cells of the brethren no 
such instrument is to be found ; and the Saint's companion 
who in the world had been a harp-player humbly refuses 
to beg the loan of one. "Father", he says, "I am grie- 
vously ashamed : if they hear me play as I used to do 
once, they will say that I have fallen into temptation . . . 
One must respect appearances" (or opinions, which are 
always, of course, the same thing). The Saint surrenders 
to the bashful timidity of his fellow ; but God consoles 
him with the celestial music of an invisible cithern. ' Even 
so the sweet melody that vibrated within his spirit, and 
gurgled forth in the rhythm of Gallic speech, gave him 
no peace until . . . lignum quandoque, UT OCULIS VIDIMUS, 
colligebat e terra, ipsumque sinistro hrachio superponens 
anulum filoflexum tenebat in dextera, quern supra viellam 
trahens per lignum et ad hoc gestus repraesentans, ^donea 
gallice cantahat de Domino. Terminahantur tola haec 
tripudia frequenter in lacrymas, et in passionis Cbristi 
compassionem hie jubilus solvebatur.^ 

" Oculis vidimus " ? Yes, undoubtedly ; but what the 
eyes of Thomas actually did was to peruse a charming 
page of Caesarius, where he speaks of a cleric archipoeta 
who makes a pair with Frate Pacifico converted when 
already king of versification, like other joyous souls, by 
Sant Francis. ^ 

1 R 68; III. 66. 

2 /?. 69 ; (III, 67). The jester has always his viol with him : Salimbene, 

3 R. 58 (III, 49: cfr. III. 27 e 76). Caes. II, 16. Cfr. Boncompagni. 
Cednis I. c. 163, which recalls the great renown of Bernard, the inventor of 
glorioaae cancionea et dulcisonae melodiat. The " Re dci Versi " saw two 


With a view to demonstrating the elegant plagiarising 
of Celano, we must bring together in close association 
"spiritual gladness" and her amiable sister "simplicity". 
The Sancta simplicitas is no longer that which shuts one's 
eyes to the unworthy life of the priests ; it is the monk's 
most splendid gift, which renders him worthy to obtain 
the most singular graces and favours from God. " Nemo 
se seducat/' says the Apostle, "si quis videtur inter vos 
sapiens esse in hoc saeculo, stultus fiat ut sit sapiens'*.^ 
These words have created the type of " Brother Simple " 
— a type that deserves a study to itself — the type that 
takes pains to appear half idiotic, even when possessed of 
a learning and a sanctity surpassing those of God's most 
famous champions. 

In the " Lives of the Fathers " we have already made 
the acquaintance of Paul "the Simple", who yields to 
non in the art of putting devils to flight, ignorant though 
he be of the most elementary points of the Christian Re- 
ligion — e. g., whether God be in heaven, or whether 
Jesus came into the world before the prophets. God de- 
nies him nothing, and when He hesitates a little to work 
a miracle for him. Brother Simple is quite capable of 
threatening him with a fast, like a Brahman, and gains 
his point. ^ Gregory the Great sketches charmingly the 

swords of iire issue from the saint's body ; just as the dumb porter saw flames 
issuing from the month of Peter Telonarius the hero of charity : Vita S. Joan. 
Eleem. c. 21 ; Migne, LXXIIl, 359. On Frate Pacifico there is a carefully 
written article by Cosmo, in Giom. Stor. della Lett. Ital. XXXVIII, 2 seqq. 
Cfr. Sabatier, Spec. 108 note 2. 

1 1 QoT. Ill, 18. Cfr. ib. 1, 22: Placuit Deo per stullili&m praeJicalionis 
salvos facere credentes ; and Greg. M. Moral. XIV, in c. 19 Job; No. 54. 

2 Migne, XXI. 458: De Paulo simplice : Migne, LXXIIl, 1129 (Hist. 
Laus. c. 28) ; ib. 1 1 40 : A nun who propter Christum simulabat stultitiam ; 
ib. 429 : tNiescio si sit IDeus in coelo, sum enim rusticus. 


figure ' which Leontius — author of the Life of S. Joannes 
Eleemosinarius ^ — completes in that of S. Simeon Stultus, 
adding certciin classical traits suggested by reminiscences 
of the tradition of the Cynic philosophy. 

Saint Simeon exhausts all his resources in the effort to 
be humiliated, derided and despised. He eats lupins in 
the piazza, like Diogenes ; he trails behind him a dead 
dog and the children bay him ; he goes about with his 
clothes over his dead, leaving the rest of his person un- 
covered ; and finally, mindful of the other virtues of an 
ancient hermit, he calmly submits to be accused of a pa- 
ternity of which he is innocent. Charming and pious 
legend, which demonstrates that supreme, absolute goodness 
always triumphs over the wiles of the wicked. When 
Saint Simeon sings the hymn of the great Nicon in a 
hostelry, the devils immediately take flight.^ 

Caesarius of Heisterbach has dedicated to Brother Sim- 
ple an entire book — the sixth — wherein he treats of the 
virtues of simplicity. '' We find our Brother Simple pour- 
trayed in many attitudes, and nearly all of them pleasing. 
It is true, however that the delineator's art — like the fair 
Hildegund^ — frequently forgets that its home is the cloister, 

1 Dial. III. 33, 37. Moral. I. in c. 2 Job. No. 49 ; ib. VIII. in c. 8 Job. 
No. 85. Cfr. S. "P. 'Dam. Opusc. 45. Op. III. 364 : De sancta simplicitate. 
The ignorant console themselves with the familiar argument : Deus per viros idiotas 
ac simplices mundum instituit. 

2 Cfr. Gc/zer, in Syhel's Zeitschr. N. F. LXI (1899); 1-38. Leontius 
wrote between 642 and 668 A. D. Simeon, of Edessa, is of the Justinian 

3 Acta SS. T. I Jul. 136 seqq. Cfr. especially No. 31 (152); No. 34 
(153-4); No. 39 (146-7) e Migne. LXXIII, 779, 958. 'Diog. Laeri. VI. 
2 (48) Monasticism is united to the ancient schools of philosophly by a close 
bond of kinship. 

4 Strange, I. 441 seqq. 

5 Caes. I, 40 (Strange, I, 47 seqq.). 


and relapses into sheer gaiety, like a young girl among 
the crowd at a festa. 

Brother Simple is the hero of charity. Ensfrid gives 
all to the poor - - even that which is not his ! In the 
canons* kitchen hang magnificent hams; he cuts them in 
half, and the part which touches the wall he leaves han- 
ging, that none may observe the absence of that which 
he has cut off given to the poor. ^ Another Brother, a 
little daft, but good all the same, goes out by the window 
instead of the door, and then wends his way on, quite 
unconscious. Ever)rthing, or almost everything, is permitted 
to the simple and the humble. God protects them."" The 
Apostle who counselled holy foolishness is the same who 
saud " Dei sumus adiutores " ; ^ and Caesarius, mindful that 
Jesus conquered the world by the virtue of poor ignorauit 
folk, and that He needs must be pleased with those who 
follow His example, repeats that all simple brethren are 
"the jesters of the Lord, of the Saints and the angels". 

" Simplex quandoque mimo vel ioculatori comparatur : 
sicut illius verba vel opera in eorum ore vel manibus, qui 
ioculator non est, saepe displicent, et poena digni sunt, 
apud homines, quae tamen ab his dicta vel facta placent: 
ita est de simplicibus. Ut sic dicam, lOCULATORES DEI SUNT 
sanctorumque angelorum, quorum opera, si hi qui simplices 
non sunt, quandoque facerent, baud dubium quin Deum of- 
fenderent, qui in eis, dum per simplices fiunt, delectatur'' '^ 

Arnold was both simple and pious, but the poetry of 
devotion was not as spontaneous in him as he would have 

1 VI, 5 (I, 347). He also cuts up and gives to the poor the geese which 
he finds strung on the spit for roasting in the kitchen of Godofred the Notary. 

2 VI. 9 (II. 41). Cfr. the delightful stories VI, 2, 7. (I, 357 seqq.). 

3 I Cor. Ill, 9. 

4 VI. 8 (I, 359-60). 


desired. "When I wish to excite myself to prayer", he 
says "sub cuculla digitos ad similitudinem citharizantis 
moveo, et corda cordis tango, sicque mentis torporem ad 
devotionem excito**. Such, at least, was his belief: but, 
as a matter of fact the fingers that touched the chords of 
an imaginary lyre drew therefrom in reality a wave of 
harmonies that was heard afar off. ' 

The difference between Caesarius* story and that of 
Celano is practically nothing : for the extremely slight va- 
riants only serve the better to prove the methods by which 
Thomas worked up German fancies for his own purposes. 

Sabatier's Speculum is more malicious than usual on 
this point. The pure legend which was hidden in Brother 
Leo's "^ mysterious "notes", has a better knowledge than 
have modem critics of Brother Thomas* marauding expe- 
ditions. According to the Speculum of 1318,^ Francis 
had the idea of putting Bro. Pacifico at the head of a 
band of holy buffoons — Frati-giullari. Pacifico would 
have preached first to the congregation, and his companions, 
in chorus would have sung the praises of the Lord, tan- 
quam joculatores Domini. 

When the singing was ended the preacher would have 
brought the ceremony to a close, with the customary jester's 
plea : " Nos sumus joculatores Domini, et pro his volu- 
mus remunerari a vobis, videlicet ut stetis in vera poeni- 
tentia. — Quid enim [ait] sunt servi Dei, nisi quidam jocu- 
latores Ejus, qui corda hominum erigere debent et movere 
ad laetitiam spiritualem ? " * So the compilers of the 

1 VII. 39 (II, 54). 

2 TiUman, 83 seqq. 

3 Op. c. 1 49. It will be understood that we have little interest in the fixing 
of the exact date within a year or two. 

4 Spec. c. 100 (196-7). 


fourteenth-century Speculum, while repeating Caesarius* 
charming phrase, reproduced with great exactness the true 
form of the primitive Franciscan preaching. Brother Pa- 
cifico takes the place of Francis, the chorus of Brethren, 
that of the people who respond to the Saint*s words with 
hymns of devotion. Like Thomas, the compilers wished 
to give a literary and at the same time a monastic colour- 
ing to their description of that reality that was still vivid 
and alive in pious Franciscan traditions ; and so they had 
recourse to Caesarius. Aegidius, too, has up his sleeve 
a lyre, qualem solent pueri effingere ; and takes it up to 
play an accompaniment to his dialectical arguments in the 
" contest " with Guardo. ^ 

Paul the Simple, Saint Simeon Stultus, Ensfrid, Arnold, 
Christian, reappear in Franciscan garb, with the exagge- 
ration characteristic of imitators, in the figures of Giovanni, 
Ginepro, Egidio, and even find their way into the verses 
of Italy's greatest satirist. Carlo Porta. "" Ginepro — " Bro- 
ther Juniper" — instead of cutting hams in half, cuts off 
the feet of live swine to give pleasure to a poor sick 
friend. He plays at see-saw, lets himself be all but hang- 
ed for a crime he has not committed, and casts away 
his clothes after the fashion of his ancient colleague. He 
is also an expert in cookery — after a fashion entirely his 
own. He cooks together in one huge pot fowls, fish, ve- 
getables and eggs : but, observe, that dish so refreshing to 
the minds of the brethren, is really drawn from an old 
monastic recipe of Gregory of Tours. ^ 

1 Acta SS. Apr. Ill, 241 ; No. 99. 

2 Pocsie ed. Firenze, 1884; 115. 

3 Anal. Franc. Ill, 62. Passerini, Fioretti 215-6. This story should be 
compared with that of Gregonj of Tours, Lib. vitae patrum c. 3 (MG. SS. 
merov. I, 665-6). Non est dignum ut monachi, quorum vita solitaria est, tarn 


Now Brother Simple has become a little slovenly. It 
is difficult to say whether he is trifling or acting and speak- 
ing seriously. Art has its rights amongst us. From san- 
eta simplicitas Franciscan ardour has drawn these charm- 
ing figures which come again and again before us, and 
carry us off in their company into the world where to 
think is to dream. 

The foresight of Celano had provided even against exag- 
gerations ! Francis was simple, but not too simple. A 
pleasant litde scene suffices him to demonstrate the absur- 
dity of certain unfortunate imitators of the inimitable Saint 

Giovanni is an all too simple peasant who resolves to 
become a friar. No sooner said than done. He unyokes 
one of his oxen and offers it to Saint Francis. The poor 
country fcunily, alarmed at this costly outburst of charity, 
rush up in tears to the Saint. He reads in their stunted 
souls the anguish they feel at the thought of losing the 
beast, and so — " Don't be disturbed *', he says, " I give 
you back the ox, and take the man ! " The Master finds 
in his new disciple an all too conscientious imitator. If 
Francis coughs, Giovaimi coughs ; if he expectorates, so 
does his follower . . . ' 

This delightful satire on the clumsy followers of the 
Patriarch may perhaps itself be drawn from one of Cae- 
sarius* narratives, in which the devil desiring to triumph 
over a Brother who has fallen into the sin of gluttony 

ineptis utantur sumptibus. Et statim iussit praeparari aeneum magnum. Cumque 
locatus super ignem fervere coepisset, posuit in eo cunctos simul, quos paraverant 
cibos, tam pisces, quam holera sive legumina, vel quicquid ad comedendum mo- 
nachis distinatum (sic) fuerat dixitque : De his puldbus nunc reiiciantur fratres, 
nam non deliciis vacent. Cfr. Acta SS. Ill Feb. 741 ; and Vita loh. Gotz in 
MG. SS. IV. 343. 

I R. 95 (III, 110); Spec, c 57. 


imitates, gesture for gesture the sham invalid, who has got 
himself into the infirmary with the sole purpose of eating 
flesh meat, which is forbidden to those in health. ' 

Gathering up into itself every perfection, simplicity pre- 
pares for Francis glories both in heaven and in earth. Up 
above in the empyrean there stands already prepared for 
him the splendid seat lost by a rebellious angel who was 
cast down with Pride and with Satan into Hell.'' On 
earth every creature approaches the Saint with entire con- 
fidence. Birds find in his hands the protecting warmth 
of a nest ; bees spread their honey over the bowl that 
has felt the sweet touch of his lip. ^ In Francis all is 
simple, even religion itself. Like Augustine he adores in 
the beautiful the supreme beauty of God : '' but the devotee 

1 Caes. V, 6 {Strange^ I, 286) : Eo modo quo ille claudicaverat et ipse 
claudicavit, et sicut introspexerat, introspexit, in nullo ab illius gesdbus discrepans. 

Thomas writes : Animaequiores estate ; the phrase occurs in Vita Pach. c. 43 ; 
Migne, LXXIII, 103; 881 : animaequior esto. In the Scripture I have not 
found it. 

2 R. 66-7 (III, 63). Spec. c. 60. Here it is Frate Pacifico who has the 
vision. Identical visions will be found in Migne, LXXIII, 905 ; Caes. VII, 10. 
A sedes vacua mirae pulcbritudinis was reserved for a blind German : cfr. VII, 
56 ; XI, 12. Dante reserves a seat in Paradise for Henry VII : Paradiso, XXX 
V. 133 seqq. 

3 R. 83 seqq. (Ill, 101 seqq.). If S. Francis had a falcon to wake him, 
and EUjah (I Kings XVII 6) a raven to bring him bread ; S. Benedict also was 
visited by a diabolical black bird and a good raven. Greg. M. Dial. II, 2, 8. 
The sparrows came down fearlessly into the hands of S. Remedius : V. S. 
Rem. c. 7. MG. SS. antiquis. IV, 2 ; ("Oen. Fortun. op. ped. 65). 

On the love of birds : Hincm. V. S. Remigi. MG. SS. Merov. Ill, 267 : 
Aves tarn saepe in Scripturis commendantur, sicut passer, columba et turtur ; 
Cassian. Conl. mon. XYIV, 21. CV. 267. Cfr. Spec. c. 113. The bees 
{R. 86), mirahili arte favorum, built their comb in the vessel from which the 
Saint used to drink ; and constructed a most beautiful capellula mirae structurae 
over a consecrated Host : Caes. IX, 8. Celano has also in mind the Legend of 
St. Ambrose, which makes the bees alight on the Saint's face while he lay, as 
an infant, sleeping in his cradle. Paulinus, Vita S. Ambros. c. 3. 

4 R. 83 seqq. (Ill, 101). De contemplatione Creatoris. Cfr. 5. Aug. 
Confess. XIII, 32 e IV, 6, 12 CV. 353, 51, 78. Celano writes : cognoscrt in 
pulcbris pulcberrimum, and Augustine : Pulcbriludo pulchrorum omnium ; XII, 


of Saint Michael, of Mary the advocate of the Order, of 
the Lord's Body, and of the relics of the Saints, ' is no 

This is what the Father of the Minorites bad to be 
like. And, let us repeat it, through the tissue of false- 
hoods the truth is visible. But without the patient and 
austere guidance of criticism, we should have lacked the 
infallible mark by which the true is distinguished from the 

We have followed Thomas of Celano in his arduous 
task of composition ; we have seen him place his hand by 
preference on certain books — and in so doing it has re- 
vealed to us the secret of its guiding thought. 

Among the monastic types one alone laid its claim upon 
the artist of the Speculum. It was the most singular tyjje 
of all, and the one least at home in the severe discipline 
of the cloister : the unlearned man, miracle of goodness, 
of happy sweetness, of charity, which his word imparts to 
others with the violence of fire and the force of love. 

Criticism has scattered the nebulous images of Celano, 
and robbed them of their power to keep from us the con- 
templation of the truth. 

20 : El pulchra sunt omnia, faciente 7c, el ecce Tu inenarrabiliter pulcbrior, 
qui fecisli omnia. 

I R. 98 seqq. De deoolionihus specialibus Sancli. Mary is the maler pads, 
the patroness of monasteries. S. P. Dam. Ep. VI, 32 ; Op. I, 115. Cfr. Caes. 
VII, 6 : Ordinem Cisterciensem, cuius advocala sura, etc. ib. Xil, 58. Cfr. for 
the Dominican Legend : Passavanli, Specchio della vera penitenza, Dist. Ill, 4 
(ed. Classici Italiani, Milano, 1 808 ; I, 110: Leggesi nella leggenda del Padre 
noslro ecc). On St. Michael whom the heretics could not forgive for his vic- 
tories over Satan, see: S. P. 'Dam. Op. II, 133; Greg. M. Horn, in Evang. 
II, 34 : No. 8. Caes. XIII. 45 ; XI. 3. St. Michael, as both Celano and 
Caesarius note, is the angelus praesenlalor animarum. In Italy the sanctuary of 
Gargano both is and was very famous. S. P. Dam. Op. I, 291 ; Ep. VII, 
17. MG. SS. rerum langob. et ital. 541 seqq. For apparitions of St. Michael, 
see also Vita S. Guidonis ; Acta SS. Ill, Mart. 913. 


From a flowery hill bathed in mystic light, the Saint's 
dark eyes look forth upon the multitude that surrounds 
him. He speaks, and the gentle voice is a fervid hymn 
to the God of peace and love. The rhythm of the lays 
heard in his gay youth accompanies the harmonious flow 
of words that melt the coldest hearts. And when Francis 
ceases, a feeling of infinite devotion that is awakened in 
the ecstatic heart of the people bursts forth in a chorus 
that rises solemn as a prayer. 

Was it the Nazarene repeating, in the century of heresy, 
His Sermon on the Mount? 

From these hills enveloped in sunshine and in divine 
hopes, Thomas of Celano cautiously leads away the pious 
figure to the shade of the cloister, and places him side 
by side with Saint Benedict. 


WE have already had occasion to remark that Tho- 
mas of Celano when nanating the story of Saint 
Francis' death and burial, did not allow himself to be 
carried away even by such supremely solemn events, but 
associated with the pale form of the man of Assisi other 
figures suggested by his classical studies. Probably, as 
we shall shortly see, Celano himself was not among those 
who were present at the long agony and death of the 
Saint. He reached the Porziuncola, however, no long time 
after : and the nature of his conmiission from the Pope, 
rightly conceived, must have guided Thomas in his search 
for and selection of the facts from which, with the help 
of his own art and memory, he drew the material for 
the last chapter, among the rest, of his biography. "All 
men are born and die in the same manner '*, some sceptic 
may observe : yet it is worth while to reflect that the 
founder of an Order destined to play so large a part in 
the Church and in Christendom, could not close his lips 
before his eyes ! Generally speaking — and here Thomas 
stands among a very numerous company — hagiographers 
demand that the last end of their heroes shall be as so- 
lemn as their life. Further the Patriarch's farewell to his 
brethren — like that of Christ to His Apostles — involves 
the designation of his successor in the government of the 


orphaned family. The last words of the Saints are their 
"will and testsunent". One can well understand the im- 
portance of the page on which they are inscribed. 

Our task is not a heavy one. We begin with the First 
Life, ' and give a somewhat abbreviated translation of 
Celano's narrative, with a minimum of explanatory notes. 

While Sciint Francis was in Siena for the cure of his 
eyes which had caused him so much suffering, he felt 
himself worse. The diseases of stomach and liver were 
aggravated by vomitings of blood, sure sign (so my kind 
medical friends assure me) that the cancer on the liver 
had spread to the stomach. Soon serious cardiac compli- 
cations shewed themselves. 

Elias who was afar off sped to his master's side. The 
sight of his trusted friend was of itself a tonic, so that 
the invalid found himself able, without extreme distress, to 
follow Elias into his cell at Cortona. After a short sojourn 
there, the disease resumed its original violence. The belly 
and all the limbs swelled up ; the stomach refused to take 
food. Francis, utterly broken down, prayed Elias to have 
him removed to Assisi : and the good son did that which 
his kind father had commanded. 

The whole city rejoiced at the Saint's arrival : why, 
Celano tells us, somewhat crudely. The multitude hoped 
that Francis would die speedily ; for thus Assisi would 
have acquired a most precious relic in the corpse of the 
Saint ! 

The compilers of the Speculum, who have amplified 
at once bombastically and awkwardly the narratives of the 
First Life emd the Second, spare the city Celano's taunt. ' 

J I Vita. 105 seqq. R. 83 »eqq. 

2 c. 121. Says Bro. Oas to the Saint: Licet homines bujus civitalis te 


The few words with which, in all probability, the Saint 
commended his beloved Porziuncola to the brethren are 
transformed in the Speculum — perhaps with a view to 
obliterating Celano's harsh phrase — into an affectionate 
greeting to the city of Assisi. '^ 

Meanwhile, as the malady advances, Francis loses 
strength. When asked M; a certain Brother if he would 
have preferred some sharper martyrdom, even by the exe- 
cutioner's hand, to the long agony of his illness, he replied 
that he was resigned to the will of God. Yet he did 
not deny that even a few days of the pain that was then 
tormenting him would be quite unbearable. It seems as though 
question and answer alike find place in the narrative in 
order that Thomas may have full justification for his pom- 
pous apostrophe : O martyr, o martyr, qui RIDENS et 
GAUDENS lihentissime tolerahat, quod erat omnibus acer- 
bissimum et graoissimum intueri : '^ thus shamelessly pilfering 
from Sulpicius Severus, who exclzums : O mum ineffabi- 
lem, nee labore victum, nee morte vincendum... nee mori 
timueriU nee vivere recusaverit..J Laetus ulceribus con- 
GAUDENS-qrue cruciatibus, qualibet inter tormenta RISISSET.'^ 

iKnerenltir pro sancto, tamen quia credunt firmiter, propter banc infirmitatem 
luam incurabilem, te in proximo moriturum. . . The odious character which is 
intended to be attributed to Bro. Elias emerges here and elsewhere. Beneath is 
discernible the purpose of the Speculum to represent the man of Cortona as glad 
at the approaching death of the Saint, to whom he blurts out the news that his 
end is near. The words of Elias are the same that Thomas employs. 

1 c. 1 24. Fior. Quarta consid. ed. Cesari 1 28. The words are common : 
Tom. Dignum habete locum habitaculum Dei. Spec. Locus et habitatio illorum 
qui Te agnoscunt vere etc. 

2 I Vita, 107. R. S5. In the later legends exaggerations accumulate with- 
out limit. Bartolomeo da Pisa makes the Saint say : Domine, Te rogo, ut [de 
omnibus doloribus] cenluplum, si Tibi placuerit, addas ; Conform, (ed. Bononiae 
1590: 315) III, fr. 4. 

3 Ep. Ill : CV. 148. 

4 Ep. II : CV. 144. 


Resignation of the will to the Lord on one's deathbed is 
one of the natural notes of sanctity. ' 

The physicians marvelled that the patient — now but 
skin and bone — still held out. Death came not to set 
him free, because his hour was not yet come. In com- 
mon with not a few of the Sciints, Francis knew by Di- 
vine revelation when his end was to be. ^ Elias, while 
he was with him at Foligno, had a vision. There ap- 
peared to him an old and venerable priest clad entirely 
in white, who said to him: "Arise and announce to Fran- 
cis that eighteen years are past since his conversion : he 
shall have but two more years of life".^ The vision, as 
it happened, was vouchsafed to the man who would be 
most interested to know this date ! "^ 

When the Saint perceived that his last day was at 
hand, vocatis ad se fratrihus quos volebat . . . velut olim 
patriarcha Jacob suis filiis henedixit, immo Velut alter 
Mouses ascensurus in montem, quern constituit ei Deus, 
filios Israelis henedictionihus ampliavit. Cumque a sinistra 
ipsius resideret f rater Hellas, circumsedentibus reliquis fi- 
liis, cancellatis manibus, dexteram posuit super caput ejus, 
et exteriorum oculorum lumine privatus et usu, "super 

1 Non ita inter vos vixi, ut pudeat me vivere ; nee timeo mori, quia Domi- 
num bonum habemus : Paulinus, Vita S. Ambr. c. 45. And St. Martin : Do- 
mine, si adhuc populo tuo sum necessarius, non recuso iaborem ; fiat voluntas 
tua I Ep. Ill, CV. 148. 

2 Vita S. Ambr. cit. 41 : Ipse autem de sua morte ante praedixit. Sulp. 
Sev. Ep. Ill, 147: Martinus - obitum suum longe ante praesciit, dixitque fratribus 
dissolutionem sui corporis inminere. Eugippii, Vita S. Sev. c. 41 : Diem etiam, 
quo transiturus esset idem S. Severinus e corpore, ante duos seu amplius annos, 
hac significatione monstravit. 

3 I Vita 108. 109: li. 85-6. 

4 Spec. c. 121 (237). Sabatier, unaware that the Speculum is simply re- 
peating Celano's words, sets himself to study, the interrelation of ideas and facts 
which... come from the same narrative. 


quern, inquit, teneo dexteram meam ? " "Super fratrem 
Hel^am " inquiunt. " Et sic ego volo " ait. Te, inquit, 
fili, in omnibus et super omnia henedico ; et sicut in ma- 
nihus tuis fratres meos et filios augmentavit Altissimus, 
ita super te et in te omnibus henedico. In coelo et in 
terra henedicat te Rex omnium Deus. Benedico te sicut 
possum et plusquam possum ; et quod non possum ego, 
possit in te Qui omnia potest ". 

*' Valete, filii omnes, in timore Dei; et permanete in 
ipso semper, quoniam futura est super vos temptatio maxi- 
ma et trihulatio appropinquat. Felices qui in his, quae 
coeperunt, perseverabunt, a quibus nonnullos futura scan- 
dala separabunt. Ego enim ad Dominum propero, et ad 
Deum meum, cui devote in spiritu meo servivi, iam ire 
confido ".' 

All this took place in the Bishop's palace at Assisi ; 
whence the Saint, at his own request, was soon removed 
to the Porziuncola. 

And this is, as we said a little earlier, the Testament 
of Francis. 

He asks where his hand is Icdd, and as if that were 
not enough, most vehemently confirming his wish {ego sic 
volo), like Jacob, he designates Elias for the governing of 
his family with a blessing. Here we begin to enjoy the 
fruits of Celano's useful reading and of the instructions 
given him from above. Saint Ambrose had written : Be- 
nedictio cuiusque morituri, tantum virtutis habet, ut eam 
sibi sanctus propheta optaverit (Job. 29, 13)... Hie 
versiculus quantos benedici fecit ! ^ But the dying man 

1 I Vita 105. R. 85-6. 

=> De bono mortis. VIII. 36 ; CV. XXII, 734-5. 




was Francis of Assisi ; what a virtue would his words 
of benediction possess ! Thomas remembered also the 
long discourse of Severinus to his brethren, which begins: 
** Scitis quod beatus Jacob de saeculo recessurus, condi- 
cione mortis instante, filios suos adesse praecipiens, et pro- 
pheticae benedictionis affatibus singulos quosque remunerans, 
mysteriorum arcana prodidit futurorum " : ' and he knew 
by heart, the story of the death of Pachomius, another 
celebrated Founder of an Order : Ante duos dies sanctae 
dormitionis suae, convocans universos fratres, ait ad eos : 
Ego quidem, charissimi, viam patrum securus ingredior; 
nam video me a Domino protinus evocari... Eligite, igitur, 
ex vobis fratrem, me praesente, qui post Deum, vobis 
praesit... quantum vero mea discretio perpendo, Petronium 
ego ad hoc opus idoneum iudico. ^ 

The right of electing the abbot was anciently recognised 
as belonging to the monks. In that return to cenobitic 
ideas of a more remote antiquity favoured by Gregory IX, 
it was judged opportune that this right should be temper- 
ed by the presence and the advice of the d)dng Patriarch.^ 

1 Eugippi, Vita Severini, c. 43 (50). 

2 Migne, L4XXIII, 271 ; Rosne^de, 137. For other instances of designa- 
tions of his successor by the abbot, see Vita Posthumii c. 6; ib. 233-6; etc. 

3 This designation by the abbot with the consent of the monks was evident- 
ly aimed at the bishops — to wrest from them the right of nominating the abbots. 
Roman legislation was indecisive. A novella of Justinian (V, 9) first recognised 
the rights of the bishops, then (CXXIIl, 34) admitted the free election of the 
abbot. Cfr. Knecbt, Op. cit. 58, 59. In Italy at any rate, the founders of the 
monasteries obtained for their convents by the so called charters liberlationis (of 
which a vast number are extant), the renunciation of all eventual rights of the 
bishop. We cite only the most ancient of such documents : TVojja, Cod. Dipt. 
Long. II, No. 349 ; anno 685 (?), in which the Bishop of Lucca promised to 
Barbino, abbot of S. Frediano, not to touch the property bestowed on the mo- 
nastery by Faulone, and adds : Et si abbas de banc luce migratus et dormierU 
cum patribus suis et si (?) [Monad] ipsi eligerent sibi Abbatem ordinandum, 
ipsum sibi abbatem debeant ordinare. The bishop only retained the prerogative 
of giving his benediction to the abbot-elect. 


The Order was a new one, and it was essential that Francis 
should be succeeded by a man of firm and resolute cha- 
racter, who should give security for the continued govern- 
ment of the Minorites on those lines which Elias had been 
known to follow when taking the place of the Saint. And 
for this reason, too, Celano had not stinted his eulogies of 
the man of Cortona ! Every one is liable to mistakes I 

Thomas heaps benediction on benediction upon the head 
of Elias and lavishes expressive phrases to shew what was 
the desire of Francis, who, as a matter of fact, subject 
as he was to the overbearing spirit of Elias, most probably 
differed very little from the views of his biographer in the 

The overt designation of Elias to be governor of the 
Order takes place, be it observed, in the Palace of the 
Bishop of Assisi. 

We are dealing with a period which was marked by 
an energetic reaction of a still more ancient law against 
the old juridical and canonical institutions.' Both the Pope 
and those of the Brethren who might have been called 
politicians, had already fixed their eyes on the man who 
even in the Saint's life-time had known how to rule the 
family with a resolute and rigid hand. For that family, 
composed as it was of somewhat doubtful elements ga- 
thered at random, needed, after the disappearance of Fran- 
cis, an iron hand to keep it in the line of duty. 

We who, at a distance of so many centuries are on 
the look out for the benign diffusion of Franciscan ideals 
in the conscience of the epoch, cannot bring ourselves to 
conceive of the great movement of Assisi as a phenome- 

I For the intervention of the episcopal and f>apal authority in the election 
of abbots, see Deer. Greg. IX, 1, 6, c. 14, 16, 37 etc. 


non ruled by certain cold considerations far removed from 
the high dreams of the "Poverello". But when it was 
a question of the security of the institution, the monks 
would lay aside all scruples, and put at the head of a 
convent, if necessary, the son of some powerful person 
who had entered the cloister simply and solely with a 
view to being made abbot. ^ 

I do not wish to discuss Lempp's book on Brother 
Elias, so I return to Saint Francis. 

The political aims of Gregory IX made capital out of 
the Saint's affection for the man of Cortona. The Pope 
was acquainted with the strong and fearless nature of 
Elias, and therefore had no objection to his figuring, side 
by side with the great abbot of the De Vitis Patrum, 
as the favourite monk, receiving, in classical pose, the suc- 
cession from the lips of the Saint so soon to be silent in 

In S. Maria della Porziuncola, after several days of 
quiet, Francis feels that the Lord is drawing nigh. We 
have quitted the pomp of the episcopal Palace; and find 
ourselves in the tender intimacy of the home. It is not 
the Founder of the Order, but the Father who calls to 
his side suos fratres et suos filios spirituales, praecipiens 
eis de mode propinqua, immo de vita proximo, in exul- 
tatione spiritus, alta voce laudes Domino decaniare. Ipse 
vero, prout potuit, in ilium davidicum psalmum erupit : 
Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi. ^ In the same way (it 
may be mentioned incidentally) had another prepared him- 

1 Deer. Qreg. IX. 1. 6, 38 (Inn. Ill ; Balul. XI, 262). 

2 I Vita. 109 {R. 87). Cfr. Vita S. Benedicti Abb. Clui. MG. SS. Xli. 
207 : Ter illam b. Andreae antiphonam largo fletu ore rigatus, prout potuit 
cantavit : Domine Jesu Christe, Magister bone, etc. 


self for the last great journey : — Severinus, who to his 
weeping brethren maeroris suffusione cundantibus, ipse 
psalmum protulit ad canendum : Laudate Dominum in 
Sanctis ejus.^ 

In the Second Life and the Speculum these chantings 
become hymns {laudes) of Francis' own composition. ^ 

Celano continues : Frater autem quidem de assisientihus 
quern Sanctus satis magno diligebat amore, pro fratribus 
omnibus plurimum existens soUicitus, cum haec intueretur, 
et Sancti cognosceret exitum appropinquate, dixit ad eum : 
" Benigne PATER heu I absque PATRE iam remanent filii, 
et oculorum privantur lumine vero. Recordare igitur 
ORPHANORUM, ^ QUOS DESERIS, ^ et omnibus culpis remis- 
sis, tam praesentes quam absentes, omnes tua sancta be- 
nedictione laetifica " . Ad quem Sanctus : *' Ecce {inquit) 
EGO VOCOR A DEO,^ fili ; fratribus meis, tam absentibus 
quam praesentibus offensas omnes et culpas remitto ; et 
eos, sicul possum, absolvo, quibus TU HOC DENUNTIANS, 


Let the reader (if such there be) kindly glance at the 
notes at the foot of the page, and he will at once be in 
possession of some excellent examples of Celano's literary 

It is useless to ask who was that well-beloved disciple 
on whom Francis laid the pious task of blessing all in his 
name. So many things might be thought and said and 

1 Vita S. Severini. c. 43 (51 lin. 23-5). 

2 II Vita III. 139 {R. 108); Spec. c. 122, 123. The extreme weakness 
of the Saint's condition at the time has obviously been forgotten ! 

3 loa. XIV, 20 : (^on relinquam vos orphanos. 

4 Sulp. Sev. Ep. Ill; CV. 148: Cur nos pater deseris P... Noslri... mi- 

5 Vita Pach. I. c. video me a domino evocari. 


even put foward as extremely probable conjectures. It is 
better, surely, to leave to others the task of building up 
legends in detail. Only this we may be allowed to add, 
that the Brother in question might be one of the first 
"companions", who in the intimacy of the Forziuncola 
had been bold enough to address the Father. In the 
Second Life Thomas administers a sharp rebuke to those 
who usurped to themselves that special benediction : Nul- 
lus sibi banc henedictionem usurpet, quam pro absentibus 
in praesentibus promulgavit : ' and the reason of the re- 
proof needs no further explanation. 

If the Second Life had not escaped the general de- 
struction of the legends that was instituted to make way 
for that of Saint Bonaventure, our knowledge of Celano's 
mania for putting himself to the fore might have led us 
to suspect an identity between the "well-beloved disciple" 
and our biographer, who, as a matter of fact had a ma- 
terial pledge of benediction in the shape of a relic of the 
Saint to give to Brother Jordanus, his old companion in 
the German mission, when that Brother reached Assisi. ^ 
But logic, which is valid in many regions of thought, fre- 
quently falls to pieces in the historical sphere over some 
trivial fact. If the doctrine of interpolations were to be 
extended to Franciscan studies, there would be room for 
the hypothesis that those words in the Second Life were 
a very late addition. For my part, however, I prefer to 
leave the texts as they have come down to us. More- 
over Thomas was constreiined by circumstances — the con- 
trolling influence of the multitude of witnesses, and the 

1 III, 139 {R. 108). 

2 Jord. c. 59 ; Voigl, 1. c, 543. Jordanus takes the relic and — forgets that 
he has it with him. A miracle was required to jog his memory I 


recent date of the events referred to — not to presume too 
much upon his own erudition or his mandate from Pope 
Gregory. Even for a rhetorician, est modus in rebus : 
and some scraps of truth seem to emerge, in fact, from 
the artistic labour of Celano. 

Now let us return to the Saint's bedside. He iussit 
denique codicem Evangeliorum portari, ET EVANGELIUM 
incipit : Ante sex dies Paschae, sciens Jesus etc. ' 

In the Second Life Brother Elias and the disciples 
disappear, and — more significant still — so does the reading 
from the Gospel according to Saint John. What brightens 
the Saint's last hour in this narrative, is the knowledge that 
he has the temporary use and not the proprietorship of 
the modest attire that has been lent him ! Francis who 
towers up in the memory of his times, like Jesus himself, 
breaks bread and hands it to the brethren, whom he 
blesses. The strains that in the recesses of the humble 
Porziuncola resound around the Patriarch's death-bed are 
his own ' lodi ' (verba quaedam quae olim composuerat). ^ 

In that shipwreck of sensations and ideas which shortly 
precedes death, the most vivid recollections of youth are 
apt to float to the surface : it is these that have left the 
profoundest impression on the consciousness, and oppose 
the onrush of its dissolution. Francis asks and desires to 
have read to him the Gospel of Saint John, the favourite 
scripture of heretics. Was this a fugitive return of the 
dying man to the ceremony of the consolamentum ? 

A Saint, who was to be shortly canonized by the Pope, 
(and let us remember, we are in the century of hetero- 

1 loa. XIII. 1. 

2 II Vita III, 139 (R. 108). 


doxy par excellence) died so — like a thorough heretic I 
To minimise the impression produced by the fact, Celano 
borrows a description from Sulpicius Severus, and shews 
us the Saint breathing his last, like Saint Martin and many 
another champion of Christ, on hair-cloth and ashes. ^ 

And now that the Saint is dead our unctuous author 
may at last put into the narrative something entirely his 
own. It is, as it were, the reward that he allows him- 
self for the laborious c«id detailed use of his learning. 
Listen to it. Unus, autem, ex fratrihus et discipulis eius, 
fama non modicum Celebris, cuius nomen nunc existimo 
reticendum, quoniam dum vivit, non vult tanto praeconio 
gloriari, VIDIT animam sanctissimi Patris, RECTO TRAMITE, 
IN COELUM conscendere super aquas mulias. Erat enim 

We are already aware who was that Brother "no 
little famous " ; we know him by his erudition. Thomas 
employs in his description of the vision a passage of the 
Dialogues of Saint Gregory, the Second Letter of Sulpi- 
cius Severus, and reminiscences of the book of that monk 

1 I Vita 52 : Nullis sinehat stramentis seu vestibus operiri, sed nuda humus, 
tunicula interposita, nuda suscipiebat membra. lb. 110: lussit proinde se super' 
poni cilicio et conspergi cinere, quia terra et cinis mox erat futurus. 

Sulp. Sev. Ill, CV. 149: Nobili illo strato suo in cinere et cilicio recubans. 
Et cum a discipulis rogaretur, ut saltim vilia sibi sineret slramenta subponi, non 
decet, inquit, Christianum nisi in cinere mori. Read the hyperbolical narratives 
of Bartolomeo da Pisa: Lib. Conform. Ill, fr. 4 ; ed. cit. 319 f. 

2 I Vita 110; {R. 87-8). The Saint's soul, in the form of a star rises 
up to heaven per multas aquas. According to the mystical interpretation of 
Gregory the Great, water « pluralitatis appellatione » indicates the septiformis do- 
noTUtn spiritualium gratia: Moral. XI, in c. 12 Job; No. 14, or in the sin- 
gular ; aqua scientia praedicatiojyis accipitur. Cfr. also Moral. XIX, in c. 28 
Job ; No. 9 : Per aquam - bonorum mentes, fidei praedicamenta sequentium, 
designantur... Per Psalmistam dicitur : Vox Domini super aquas [Psalm. 28, 3]. 
Thomas, in his description of the apparition, certainly kept close to the best mo- 
dels of classical symbolism. 


who had enlivened the long evenings of his sojourn in 

Gregory the Great describes in the following words what 
was seen by two disciples of Saint Benedict immediately 
after that Saint's death: VIDERUNT... quia strata palliis 
atque innumeris corusca lampadibus via, RECTO Orientis 
TRAMITE, ab eius cella IN COELUM usque tendebatur.^ 

The vain Sulpicius Severus is visited by the vision of Szunt 
Martin who is on his way to Paradise. Even in the midst 
of his heavenward journey the Saint deigns to remember his 
biographer: Repente S. Martinum episcopum videre mihi 
videor, praetextum toga CANDIDA vultu igneo, stellantibus 
oculis... adridensque mihi paululum libellum, quern de vita 
illius scripseram, dextera praeferebat... Mox... subito mihi in 
sublime sublatus eripitur ; donee emensa aeris istius vastitate, 
cum tamen rapida NUBE SUBVECTUM acie sequeremur ocu- 
lorum, patenti coelo receptus, videri ultra non potuit ^ 

As if the foregoing sources of inspiration were not enough, 
Paulinus reminded Thomas how, above the body of Saint 
Ambrose, plurimi... STELLAM... se vidisse narrabant.^ 

A true theory on the significance of the appearance of 
stars is expounded by Caesarius. Quod vero, he writes, 
super morientem, STELLA visa est, signum fuit quod san- 
cta... anima, in magna virtutum celeritate, Christo soli 
iustitiae coniuncta est. ^ 

Celano had described the star as being bright as the 
sun and large as the moon, in order that there might be 
no mistake whatever about the sign. 

1 Dial. II. 37. 

2 CV. 142-3. 

3 Vita cit. c. 48. 

4 Caes. I, 6; (Strange, I, 15). 


The soul had winged its flight into heaven ; the body, 
object of the unanimous veneration of an entire people, 
attested, by the Divine stigmata, the other and more so- 
lemn miracle w^rought in the person of the man of Assisi. 

After the mournings and rejoicings of the Minors and 
of the Povere Donne, ^ Celano proceeds with a paraphrase 
of Sulpicius Severus, recording the miraculous beauty of 
those poor members : Intuebantur... carnem illius, quae 
nigra fuerat prius, candore nimio renitentem, et ex sui 
pulchritudine beatae resurrectionis praemia pollicentem. Cer- 
nebant denique vultum eius, quasi vultum angeli, quasi 
viveret, non sicut mortuus esset. ^ 

Saint Bonaventure recounts in his Legend that the larks, 
wheeling round with unaccustomed gladness, assembled 
towards evening upon the roof of the cell where the Saint 
had breathed his last. ^ Those creatures dear to the heart 
of Francis, and haters of darkness, were attracted, mista- 
kenly, by the light which streamed out from the glorious 
pallet where he lay. Perchance they believed that a new 
sun was rising there, heralded by the red flames of dawn. 
On the contrary, it was a gloomy sunset. The "Pove- 
rello" had accomplished his most pure mission: and now 
the mission of the Order was free to begin. 

1 I Vita 112 {R. 88-9). Calervabm iota civilas mil. Sulp. Seo. Ep, III; 
CV. 1 50 : Tota obviam corpori civilas ruii. I Vita 1. c. Unusquisque autem 
cantabat canticutn laetitiae... ib. 117: Sed Mirgineus pudor multo fletui imperabat. 
Ep. cit. Turn virginum chorus fletu abstines, prae pudore... Dum unusquisque 
et sibi praestat ut doleat, etc. 

2 Ep. cit. 149-150: Testatique nobis sunt, qui ibidem fuerunt, vidisse se 
vultum eius tamquam vultum angeli : membra autem eius Candida, tamquam nix, 
videbantur... iam enim sic videbatur, quasi in futurae resurrectionis gloria et natura 
demutatae carnis ostensus esset. Cfr. Paulinus, Vita S. Ambr. c. 42 : Post quod, 
facta est fades eius velut nix. 

3 Acta SS. II Oct. 662; No. 213. 


speculum perfectionis IV, 66; ed. Sabatier ; 123 seqq. 

Qualiter docuit quosdam fratres lucrari animas quorumdam 
latronum per humditatem et caritatem. 

IN quodam eremitorio fratrum super Burgum Sancti Se- 
pulcri veniebant latrones aliquando pro pane, qui latita- 
bant in sylvis et expoliabant homines transeuntes : quidam 
fratres dicebant quod non erat bonum illis dare eleemosy- 
nam, alii vero ex compassione dabant ad movendum eos 
ad paenitentiam. 

Iterim beatus Franciscus venit ad locum ilium, quem 
fratres interrogaverunt, utrum esset bonum eis dare eleemo- 
synam, et ait illis beatus Franciscus : " Si feceritis sicut di- 
xero vobis, confido in Domino quod lucrabimini animas 
eorum. Ite ergo et acquirite de bono pane et de bono 
vino et deferte illis in sylva ubi morantur et clamate di- 
centes : * Fratres latrones, venite ad nos quia fratres sumus 
et portamus vobis bonum panem et bonum vinum ! ' 

lUi statim venient. Vos autem extendite toaleam in terra 
et desuper ponite panem et vinum et servite humiliter et laetanter 
donee manducaverint. Post comestionem vero dicetis eis 
de verbo Domini, et finaliter petatis ob amorem Dei banc 
primam petitionem, ut scilicet promittant vobis quod non 


percutient nee alicui malum facient in persona. Si enim 
omnia simul peteritis non vos exaudirent, ipsi autem propter 
humilitatem et caritatem vestram statim promittent vobis. 

Altera vero die propter bonam promissionem apportate 
eis cum pane et vino ova et caseum, et servite donee co- 
mederint. Et post comestionem dicetis eis : ' Quid hie 
statis tota die ad moriendum fame et tolerandum tot ad- 
versa, et eum hoe faeitis tot mala voluntate et operatione, 
pro quibus perditis animas vestras, nisi ad Dominum eon- 
vertamini ? Melius est ut Domino serviatis, et ipse in hoe 
saeeulo tribuet vobis neeessaria eorporum et finaliter salvabit 
animas vestras. Tunc eis Dominus inspirabit ut, propter 
humilitatem et patientiam vestram quam illis ostenderitis, 
eonvertantur ' ". 

Fecerunt itaque fratres omnia sicut eis dixit beatus Fran- 
eiseus, et ipsi latrones per gratiam et misericordiam Dei 
exaudiverunt et servaverunt de littera ad litteram, de puneto 
ad punctum, omnia quaeeumque fratres ab eis humiliter 
petierunt. Imo, propter humilitatem et familiaritatem fratrum 
circa illos, coeperunt et ipsi fratribus humiliter servire por- 
tantes in humeris suis ligna usque ad eremitorium et tandem 
aliqui ex ipsis intraverunt religionem. Alii vero eonfitentes 
peccata sua egerunt paenitentiam de commissis, promittentes 
in manibus fratrum de cetero se velle vivere de labore 
manuum suarum et nunqucim similia perpetrare. 


Actus B. Francisci et sociorum ejus, c. 29 ; ed. Sabatier 97 seqq. ' 

De tribus latronibus conversis per sanctum Franciscum quo- 
rum uni revelata fuit poena infemi et gloria paradisi. 

Beatissimus pater Franciscus, cupiens omnes homines per- 
ducere ad salutem, mundum per diversas provincias cir- 
cuibat : et quocumque ibat, quia divino Spiritu ducebatur, 
novam familiam Domino acquirebat. Unde sicut vas electum 
a Domino erat balsamum gratiae infundendo, propter quod 
perrexit in Sclavoniam, in Marchiam Triviginam, in Mar- 
chiam Anconitanam, in Apuliam, in Sarraciniam et in multas 
alias provincias, ubique multiplicando servos Domini nostri 
Jesu Christi. 

Unde quum semel transiret per Montem Casalem, ca- 
strum quod est in districtu Burgi Sancti Sepulcri, recepit 
ibi unum juvenem nobilem de Burgo praedicto. Qui quum 
venisset ad beatum Franciscum, dixit ei: " Pater, ego vellem 
libentissime effici frater vester". Sanctus vero Franciscus 
respondit ei : ** Fili, tu es unus juvenis delicatus et nobilis : 
forte paupertatem nostram et asperitatem non poteris susti- 
nere".^ lUe vero ait: "Pater, nonne -vos estis homines 
sicut ego ? Sicut ergo vos qui estis mei similes sustinetis, 
sic et ego, cum adjutorio Dei, potero sustinere ! " Quae 
responsio multum placuit sancto Francisco et statim recepit 
eum et benedixit, et fratrem Angelum appellavit. Qui ita 
gratiose se habuit quod pauIo post ipsum in praedicto 
Monte Casali guardianum instituit. 

1 Fioretti, No. 26. 

2 An old monastic refrain I Paasavantl, Specchio della vera penitenza, ed. 
Milano. 1808; I. 26. 


In illis autem diebus erant tres famosi latrones in par- 
tibus illis, qui undique multa maleficia perpetrabant. Isti 
latrones quadam die ad praedictum locum venerunt, rogan- 
tes fratrem Angelum guardianum ut eis de comestibilibus 
provideret. Ipse guardianus, rigida reprehensione eos re- 
darguens, dixit eis : " Vos, fures et saevissimi homicidae, 
non solum non erubescitis labores aliorum praedari, sed 
insuper praesumitis, ut effrontes, eleemosynas, servis Dei 
exhibitas devorare ! Quum non sitis digni quod vos terra 
sustineat ! Quia et nullum hominem reveremini, et Deum 
qui vos creavit contemnitis. Ite ergo pro factis vestris et 
hue amplius nunquam accedatis ! " Illi vero turbati valde 
cum indignatione maxima recesserunt. Et ecce eodem die 
sanctus Franciscus ad locum rediit, portans de quaesta 
quam cum socio fecerat unam tascam panis et unum bu- 
tigulum vini. 

Quum autem guardianus qualiter illos latrones repulerat 
retulisset, sanctus Franciscus dure redarguit ipsum, dicenis 
quod impie gessit, quia peccatores melius reducuntur cum 
dulcedine pietatis quam increpatione crudeli. ' " Nam et 
Christus, magister noster cujus Evangelium servare promi- 
simus : Non, inquit, opus est valentihus medicus, sed male 
hahentihus et non veni vocare justos sed peccatores, et ideo 
frequenter cum peccatoribus manducabat. Quia ergo con- 
tra caritatem et contra exemplum Jesu Christi fecisti, per 
sanctam obedientiam praecipio tibi quod statim accipias 
tascam istam panum et vasculum vini quod acquisieram. 
Et sollicite per montes et valles dictos latrones quaeras, 
donee invenias. Et panes istos omnes et vinum praesen- 
tabis eis ex parte mea, et postea coram illis genuflectens, 

I Cfr. 5. Greg. M. Reg. Pastor. II, 10. 


de incurialitate et crudelitate tua dicas humiliter culpam 
tuam. Et roga illos ex parte mea quod amplius mala ista 
non faciant, sed Deum timeant et proximos non ofFendant. 
Et si haec fecerint, ego promitto eis de necessariis pro 
eorum corporibus continue providere. Et quum illis haec 
humiliter dixeris, revertaris". 

Interim tunc sanctus Franciscus pro illis rogabat Domi- 
num, ut illorum corda ad paenitentiam emoUiret. 

Unde factum est quod, quum eleemosynas illas a sancto 
Francisco transmissas latrones illi comederent, ad invicem 
conferre coeperunt et dicere : " Heu ! nos miseros et infe- 
lices, quos durus et infernalis cruciatus exspectat! qui per- 
gimus non solum praedando homines et vulnerando sed 
etiam occidendo : et tamen de tam horrendis sceleribus et 
homicidiis nullo Dei timore et compunctione conscientiae 
stimulamur. Et ecce iste sanctus frater, qui venit modo 
ad nos, propter aliqua verba valde justa propter nostram 
malitiam in nos irrogata, se coram nobis tam humiliter 
accusavit. Et insuper sancti patris tam liberale promissum 
retulit, et panis et vini beneficium attulit caritatis. Vere 
isti sunt sancti Dei, qui caelestem patriam promerentur. 
Nos, filii perditionis aeternae, per flammas ultrices quotidie 
nobis nostri nefandis sceleribus cumulamus! Nescio utrum 
de patratis facinoribus et commissis flagitiis possimus a Deo 
misericordiam invenire ". Uno vero illorum praedicta verba 
dicente, reliqui duo dixerunt : " Quid ergo faciendum est 
nobis?" Et ille : " Eamus, inquit, ad sanctum Franci- 
scum, et si ipse nobis confidentiam tribuat quod possimus 
de magnis peccatis nostris misericordiam invenire a Deo, 
quidquid ipse mandaverit faciamus, ut possimus animas 
nostras de infemi barathro liberare *'. 

In quo consilio omnes tres concorditer consenserunt. Et 


venerunt festinanter ad sanctum Franciscum, dicentes : " Pa- 
ter, nos propter multa et pessima peccata nostra non con- 
fidimus posse misericordiam Dei in venire ; sed tu, si confidis 
quod Deus ad suam misericordiam non recipiat, ecce parati 
sumus tecum paenitentiam facere et in omnibus quae nobis 
praeceperis obedire ". Quos sanctus Franciscus benigne 
et caritative recipiens, exemplis eos multiplicibus exhortando, 
certos eos de invenienda Dei misericordia reddidit. Et in- 
super se illis acquisiturum a Domino ipsam misericordiam 
et gratiam repromisit. Instruens illos etiam quomodo divinae 
misericordiae immensurabilis magnitudo cuncta peccata no- 
stra, etiam si infinita essent, praecellit ; et quomodo, testante 
Evangelio et apostolo Paulo, Christus in hunc mundum 
pro peccatoribus venit redimendis. 

Propter quae salubria hortamenta tres dicti latrones abre- 
nuntiaverunt mundo, et recepti a sancto patre, sibi tam 
habitu quam animo adhaeserunt... 

Exempla of Jacques de Vitry ; ed. Crane, No. 68 ; 29 seqq. 

. . . De quodam abbate valde religioso audivi quod, cum 
quidam latro pessimus, quasi homo desperatus et princeps 
latronum, regionem in quam habitabat predaretur, multos 
spolians et jugulans, abbas ille equum ascendens ivit ad 
locum, ubi latro cum sociis suis morabatur. Videntes au- 
tem ilium a longe concurrerunt ut equum illi aufenent et 
vestibus spoliarent. Cumque abbas quereret a principe 
latronum quid vellet ; " Volo, inquit, equum ilium et omnia 
vestimenta tua ". Cui abbas : " Aliquanto tempore equum 
istum equitavi et vestibus istis usus sum, non est justum 


ut bona Dei solus habeam, sed tibi et sociis tuis, si indi- 
getis, volo communicare ". 

Ait latro : " Hodie equum et vestes vendemus, ut pa- 
nem et vinum et carnes emamus ". Cui abbas : " Fili, 
quare tamen laboras pro victu tuo et exponis te periculo? 
Veni mecum ad monasterium et ego quamdiu volueris, melius 
procurabo te et omnia necessaria tibi dabo ". Cui latro : 
" Non possem manducare fabas vestras et olera, nee bibere 
vinum corruptum aut cervisiam vestram ". Cui abbas : 
** Dabo tibi panem album et vinum optimum et tot fercula 
carnium et piscium quot desiderat anima tua'\ 

Cumque vix ille acquiesceret ut aliquanto tempore pro- 
baret quid ei facere vellet abbas, postquam veniret ad 
monasterium, duxit eum abbas in cameram valde pulchram 
et fecit fieri magnum ignem et Jectum pulchrum et suavem 
coopertoriis preciosis, assignans ei monachum, qui omnia 
quecumque desideraret sibi prepararet, precepitque abbas 
monacho ut omni die, postquam latro splendide comedisset, 
ipse coram eo non nisi panem et aquam comederet. 

Cumque latro pluribus diebus monachus ille artam dietam 
observantem vidisset, cepit cogitare quod monachus ille 
multa mala fecisset, qui tarn duram faciebat penitenciam, 
et quadam die quesivit ab eo : " Frater, quid fecisti qui 
te omni die ita affligis, si homines interfecisti ? " Cui mo- 
nachus : " Absit, domine, quod unquam hominem contri- 
staverim, nedum occiderim ; ego enim a puericia mea hoc 
monasterium intravi". Cui latro: "Si fornicationem vel 
adulterium vel sacrilegium fecisti?" Cui ille, pre ammi- 
ratione se signando, ait : "Domine, quid est quod dixistis? 
Deus tantam iniquitatem avertat a me! Ego nee unquam 
feminam tetigi". "Quid igitur fecisti quod ita corpus tuum 
affligis?" Ait monachus: "Domine, propter Dominum 


hec facio ut jejunando, orando, alia opera penitencie fa- 
ciendo, Dominum mihi propitium reddam". 

Audiens latro valde compunctus est, et cepit intra se 
cogitare : Quam miser sum et infelix, qui tot mala, tot 
furta, tot homicidia, tot adulteria et sacrilegia semper feci 
et nunquam vel una die jejunavi ! Et iste monachus in- 
nocens tantam penitenciam omni die facit ; et, vocato ab- 
bate, cecidit ad pedes ejus, rogans eum ut in coUegio 
fratrum reciperet ipsum. Qui postea diu in monasterio 
adeo se afflixit, quod omnes alios abstinentia et religione 
superavit, et ita abbas exemplo monachi, qui ministrabat 
latroni, non solum animam ejus lucratus est Deo, sed multos 
a morte liberavit, quos latro ille spoliasset et jugulasset. 

Ecce quantum prodest EXEMPLUM BONUM, e contrario 
valde nocet EXEMPLUM MALUM. 

We have already observed that Sabatier makes two 
contentions ; ( I ) that the Speculum is original, and (2) 
that the narrative is a commentary on C. VII of the Old 
Rule. The truth is that both the Speculum and the 
Actus borrow^ directly, but independently, from the charming 
Legend of Jacques de Vitry, w^ho, in his turn, is not ori- 
ginal either. We recall the earliest exempla of the "Lives 
of the Fathers" and of Saint Gregory the Great. If the 
Ancient Rule adopted the principle of welcoming even 
latrones with open arms, this is due indeed to the cha- 
racter of the Brotherhood ; but the latter is, in its turn, 
a reproduction of old monastic norms. 

Abbots frequently succeeded in introducing such criminals 
into the cloister, so that homines flagitios pro suis criminihus, 
variis suppliciis deputati, beneficio Ordinis sint liherati. ' 

I Cacs. I, 31 ; {Strange, I, 36). 



With the narratives of the two Franciscan texts before 
us we can almost reconstruct the exemplum of Jacques 
de Vitry in its original form ; what is lacking in the one 
is found in the other. The Speculum is, on the whole, 
more faithful to the French narrative, of which it preserves 
the original lines. Saint Francis is pictured as shewing 
how to convert offenders by gentleness ; and if he does 
not actually prepare for them a rich feast and magnificent 
chamber, at any rate he has spread for them some kind 
of a table-cloth. 

The Actus begin the narrative differently, but retain the 
bandits' reflexions on their own desperate life, comparing 
it with that of the Brethren, at once innocent and austere. 


Apropos of this subject one is fain to repeat the pro- 
verb (without the corrections of " Conte zio" of the 
Promessi Sposi), " The wolf may lose his hide, but not 
his vices". For wolf and vices here have reference not 
to the Friars, but to the present writer : who, in virtue of 
his profession, which stands as it were midway between 
Law and History, is apt to delude himself with the idea 
that he can give a clear and persuasive explanation of the 
famous miracle of Gubbio as it appears in the Actus and, 
later, in the Fioretti. ^ 

Sabatier observes that in Celano's Second Life ^ " il y 
a quelques mots sur des loups de Greccio ", and that in 
the MS of Assisi No. 651 [Fioretti] f. 37 there is a 
marginal note in Papini's handwriting : " Who says it first?" 
(C^r lo dice il primo ?) To this acute question I do not 
feel competent to give a completely satisfactory answer ; 
but perhaps it will not be difficult for me to shew how 
that " primo scrittore *' has ingeniously put together his 
charming little story, starting from Thomas of Celano. 

It may be remarked at once that Sabatier is altogether 
right in sending us back to the Second Life, in which 

1 Actus No. 23. Fior. 21. Cfr. Liber, conform, ed. Bononiae 1590; I, 
fructus 10 (140). 

2 Op. c. 77 nota 1. II Vita II. 5 R. 26. 


occur the following words, spoken by the Saint to the 
men of Greccio : " Si quisque oestrum confiteatur peccata, 
[et] dignos facial poenitentiae fructus, fideiuheo vobis, quo- 
niam pestilentia haec omnis abscedet ". It is in conside- 
ration of the Saint's fideiussio — his "going bail" — that 
peace was made between the wolf and the people of 
Gubbio : the whole ceremony is, therefore, based on the 
"word" of Francis. From the prose of Thomas of Ce- 
lano the germ-thought passed into the brain of the romancer, 
who subsequently worked it up in his own way but with 
real juridical knowledge and remarkally fine artistic taste. 
In his charming preface to the Actus ^ Sabatier brings 
before us again the opinion of certain critics who are in- 
clined to see in the narrative a terrible baron, described 
in semblance of a wolf, tamed by the Seraphic Man of 
Assisi, as Ezzelino by Saint Anthony of Padua. Yet the 
writer to whom we owe so much, though he regards the 
idea itself as a good one, adds that the conversion of 
animals figures too frequently in hagiology to make it of 
any account. The true cause of the fcime of this nar- 
rative is to be sought not in its simple and limpid literary 
clothing, but in the Franciscan spirit by which it is en- 
tirely animated. According to mediaeval ideas wolves, bri- 
gands and heretics are alike outside the pale of the law. 
This is not, however, the mind of Saint Francis. For 
him, the world wants not only justice : the severe goddess 
as preceded by "cortesia". At the Saint's bidding bro- 
ther Wolf begs pardon of the citizens of Gubbio, de in- 
curialitate et crudelitate sua, for that he also has trans- 
gressed the rules of curialitas, a quality that is dear to God.* 

1 Op. c. XII. 

2 Fior. No. 26; Actus No. 19. 


It will be well, however, to to obtain a really clear idea 
of the meaning of this word. Curialitas comes from curia, 
as cortesia from code. The old engine of Roman finance 
lost its classical signification in the language of the Middle 
Ages/ At Naples the curia means the college of Notaries; 
but ordinarily the name is applied to any assembly of 
public or private character : and curialitas is the complex 
of rules that renders possible and, in certain cases happy 
and pleasant, the reunion of many people in the same 
place for a definite purpose. Gentilezza, in the modem 
sense, is the consequence of such a discipline, necessarily 
imposed on those who meet together.^ And this too may 
be numbered «imong the various senses of the word ; but 
the principal signification seems to be the aptitude to live 
together with others, observing the rules and social usages 
which must be respected in the interests of all if there is 
to be such a thing as social life at all. I remember that 
Odofred relates how the students in the first months of 
their happy common life are very curiales towards one 
another : afterwards this curialitas vanishes, and they come 
to blows. It is but one step from curialitas to iniuria. 
A man who is curialis in the sense in which the word 
is constantly used by Salimbene,^ is a person of a sociable 
and happy disposition, who feels at home in company and 
puts others at their ease ; who far from vexing or annoy- 
ing his neighbour, keeps his fellows in good spirits by 
his own amiability. Our Statutes called those citizens 
selvatici who lived an isolated life in the country and had 

1 Maassen, in Sitzungsber, der phil. hist. Classe der k. Akal. d. Wiss. 
Wien, 1876; LXXXIX. 251-2. 

2 Boncompagni, Cedrus, I.e. 164. loculatorem P. - qui vestre cun'e... voluit 
interesse, curialitati vestre attencius commendamus. 

3 Chr. 1 : Valens homo, curialis et liberalis etc. 


no taste for a peaceful existence within city walls, in the 
levelling atmosphere of democracy. And those folk, when 
forcibly transported into the city, were themselves uncom- 
fortable in their new environment, and a disturbance to 
those who were obliged, to their own damage, to enter 
into relations with a class of people that was haughty and 
not in the least curiale. 

Saint Francis, when he made the wolf confess to having 
been incurialis and cmdelis, certainly did not claim that 
the beast had been, or became, gentile after his confes- 
sion. And still less is there in the narrative what Sabatier 
imagines to be there. Brother wolf, even for a wolf, had 
behaved so atrociously that his chances were poor indeed 
had not the Saint ananged matters for him ! 

The incurialitas of which the beast accuses himself 
provides us by anticipation with a suggestion as to what 
the wolf really is : — a poor outlaw, (as we shall shortly 
see) constrained to kill and rob for his own living. And 
now we understand how his ill deeds are due to a life 
savage and incurialis. Brother Wolf, in a phrase we still 
use, s'era dato alia macchia — he had "taken to the 
woods " — : and had made himself an enemy of society 
instead of imploring its pardon and pity. Curialitas pre- 
supposes an honest life ; for he mingles gladly in the so- 
ciety of others who meditates no assaults upon his neigh- 
bours and fears none at their hands. In other words 
Brother Wolf confesses to having led the life of a — wolf; 
and to have committed cruel acts. 

Now that the beast is a little quiet let us approach 
him and see what sort of an animal he is. The wolf of 
Gubbio is not different from his fellows. I remark only 
one difference, and that a slight one. Once upon a time 


wolves were much more numerous and formidable in Italy 
than they are now. During the Middle Ages the lands 
abandoned by agriculture were invaded by forests and 
thickets, the congenial home of the lupine family. Many 
names of places in Italy, such as Montelupo, Montelupone, 
Lupara, Lupaiolo still remain to witness the haunts of wol- 
ves, who were driven by hunger to extraordinary boldness. 

Our friend Salimbene (who, at any rate, is not grudging 
of his information) records how the bitter cold and the 
pangs of starvation drove the wolves to enter wittim the 
bounds of cities, where many were hanged and strung up 
in the piazza like true and proper criminals. ' I will not 
pause to make a fresh disquisition here on the mediaeval 
juridical ideas as to the penal responsibility of the lower 
animals. The subject is an old one, and a mere reference 
to it will suffice.^ 

One remark I will make : that a wild beast in the 
literal sense of the word might easily be interchanged with 
the so-called "rational" species; by virtue of the legal 
parallel. Gibbet and ruthless chase aimed at keeping off 
the wolves : even ecclesiastics were exhorted to join in the 
pursuit ; ^ and the Statutes of the Communes promised a 
good handful of money to him who should have presented 
to the city steward a sample of the hated tribe. ^ 

And now to draw our conclusion : the wolf who plays 

1 Chr. 43. Cfr. 77, 141. The starved wolf will even eat soil I Vincent. 
Bel. Spec. hist. XIX, 85. 

2 /. Grimm, in Zeilschr. fiir gesch. Rechtswiss. II, 343 and Deutsche Recht- 
salterth. iV ed. II, 343; Michelet, Origines du droit franjais {kd. 1890); 
278 seqq. Pertile, in Atti del R. Istituto Veneto T. IV. Serie VI, an. 1886 
etc. Cfr. D'Ancona, Studj di critica lett. [1880]; 338; (Novellino, No. 90). 

3 Mami. XXI, 121 : Concil. Campost. an. 1014 c. 15. 

4 E. g. Zdekauer, Const, del Comune di Siena for the year 1262; 80; 
Bonaini, Stat, di Piia, I, 147 etc. 


his part in so many Italian fairy tales, might just as well 
figure also in the stories of the Fioretti. But the cities 
were not troubled by wolves alone ; they were exposed 
to dangers of a far more serious kind. The continual 
struggles between city and city and between factions and 
parties within the city's bosom ; the principle of private 
vendetta — delightful legacy left by Germany ! — the syste- 
matic disorder (a contradiction in terms justified by the 
facts) ; created a special class of men — the banditi or 
outlaws. And these, in turn, strove with all their might 
to drive forth from the nest those who had cast them out, 
and the grim game shewed never a sign of cessation. ' 

Now let us see how it is that Brother Wolf belongs 
not only to the Franciscans but also to those who write 
the history of Law. According to ancient German law 
the latro, and hence the man to whom is refused that 
which he himself has violated in others, viz : peace, is 
called "Wolf* {uuargus). When the German has com- 
mitted a crime of such a kind that, essentially, or by the 
will of society, cannot be expiated by a legal penalty, 
the community solemnly deprives him of Peace. Such a 
criminal is considered as a being who has lost even the 
outward form of humanity — he is a wolf, a capo lupino. 
Any one may slay him with impunity, and no one ought 
to give him shelter or victual. The king's "ban" puts 
him outside the royal protection : he is no longer a man."^ 

1 Salimbene, Chr. 395-6. In the Life of Aegidius the Minorites are com- 
pared to wolves, who never come out of their den, nisi pro magna necessitate : 
Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 231. 

2 Wilda, Das Strafrecht der Germ., 1842; 278 seqq. Brunner, Deutsche 
Rechtsgeschichle, 1879 I, 67 seqq. Kohler, Das Strafrecht der ild. Statuten 
1898; 56 seqq. For the word, warg, ware, see Schade, Altdeutsches Wbrter- 
buch; 1097-8. 


And he never can become a man again unless and until 
he wins "peace" again. 

Over the outlaw of the Middle Ages looms this Ger- 
man conception, albeit in an attenuated form. In French 
he is said to be excommunie comme un loup-garou; at 
Bergamo the magistrate to whom falls the function of out- 
lawing has for his device a wolf's head. ' (In the Fioretti 
I find traces of German thought. Brother Juniper has 
Alboino in mind : he is fain to make out of his departed 
friend's skull two bowls, one to eat out of, and one to 
drink). ^ To resume : Brother Wolf is a personage quite 
easy to recognise even under a wolf's guise. He is, in 
fact, an outlaw reconciled to his city by the Saint roith 
the exact forms and ceremonies prescribed b}) law and 
practically observed at that epoch. 

The old penalists write that it was customary for an 
ecclesiastic to give to the outlaw, and receive from him, 
the word of peace, in the name of those whom he had 
offended. ^ In the Italian Communes there was a special 

1 Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthumer, II, 334. Stat. Berg. ed. 1749; 474-5. 

2 Grimm, Geschichte der deufschen Sprache, 1848; I, 142 seqq. 

3 A propos of this subject there iis a letter, which comes to mind, of Pope 
Gregory 1 to Dono bishop of Messina (Ep. VI, 37 ; MG. I, 414). A certain 
Giorgio — who from the tenor of the letter would have been a criminal desirous 
to change his life^wished to fix his home in Messina, and with that in view 
obtained from the Pope a commendatory letter to the bishop of that city : who 
would thus acquire not a new Iamb but a somewhat formidable wolf, to judge by 
the man's past. Gregory writes to Dono that he was induced to grant Giorgio's 
request because the man a prava se promisit actione compkscere. It seems as 
though the Pope himself did not place too much faith in Giorgio's good inten- 
tions, for he urges the bishop of Messina revocare adhortationihus suis ad viam 
Deo placiiam the erring brother, and adds : el si adiuvante Domino, ut pro- 

VESTRA (that is, the bishop of Messina) pro mercede sua... eius sustentationi 


Giorgio of Messina and Brother Wolf have a strange resemblance to one 


magistracy appointed to provide for the reconciliation of 
outlaws when such function was not reserved for the Po- 
desta. In order to be readmitted into the city, the con- 
demned man from whom the ban was removed had to 
obtain peace from the offended citizens, or if the latter 
had delegated the granting of peace to another, their own 
ratification must be subsequently given. But that was not 
enough. The outlaw was further obliged to offer, by the 
most binding solemn assurances, security that in his new 
life he would abstain from every form of violence. ' 

But I am sure that the reader must be tired of my 
prose : I pass him on therefore to the pleasant reading of 
the Fioretti. There he shall read a page of the penal 
and civil procedure of the thirteenth century, with an 
exquisite commentary thereupon. Saint Francis having 
quieted the beast, addressed him thus: " I desire to make 
peace between thee and them in such wise that thou shalt 
not offend them an^ more, and that the"^ shall pardon 
thee for all past offences and neither men nor dogs shall 
any more pursue thee". 

The Saint, then, as intermediary, promises peace to the 
beast, and receives the like assurance from him by a shake 
of the paw, a most classical mode of contracting an obli- 
gation to live without giving offence to one's fellow-citizens. 
Finally Francis displays Brother Wolf humbled and peni- 

another. In each case it is the ecclesiastical authority that receives the promise 
of amendment and gives the word of peace to the penitent ; in each case also 
it is suggested most opportunely that succour be given to the newly- tamed rebel, 
who, if he be well fed, becomes at once quiet and harmless. So the most 
powerful incentive to a return to the wicked life is removed. How old — yet 
ever new — is the figure of Frate Lupo I 

''■ Nelli de S. Gem., De Bannitis ; in Tract, tract, crim. Venet. 1556; 
184 seqq. Pertile, Storia del diritto italiano II ed. V, 337 seqq, Cfr. Stat, di 
Ravenna del sec. XIII (Rav. 1904). R. 186. 


tent, to the assembled people, i. e., the company of the 
offended persons. It only remains to expound the compact, 
and obtain its formal approbation ; and so we read ; 
** then all the people with one voice promised to give him 
nourishment continually^^'. The wolf has become a harm- 
less lamb. ' 

Now let us examine the fringe of the narrative. The 
words of Sabatier at once suggest themselves : the power 
of the saints even over animals is most mighty ; and it is 
not worth while to collect examples of it. But here we 
no longer agree with Sabatier. I choose from the nar- 
ratives those that most closely resemble the miracle of Gubbio. 

To begin with, in a redaction of the famous work 
known as Gesta Romanorum we read how a city was 
beleagered by venomous beasts, among which the worst of 
all was a dragon, who demanded of the citizens nothing 
less than an animal every day, ou pain of devouring men : 
unum animal, aliter homines devorasset.' More wonderful 
still are the old miracles of the De Vitis Patrum. A 
hyena knocks with its head at the cell of Macarius : it 
wishes the hermit to restore the sight to its little blind cub, 
and it obtains this boon. There is gratitude even among 
hyenas : the savage beast comes back to the wonder-worker 
bearing the gift of a sheep's hide. The Saint reflected 
that the hide was indication of a crime committed through 
gratitude by the beast, to whom he trenchantly declares: 
"I do not accept criminal gifts". Hyaena autem humi 
inclinato capite, genu flectehat ad pedes sancti, et ponebat 
pellem. Ipse autem ei dicebat: Dixi me non accepturum, 

1 Hist. Laus. c. 52; in Migne, LXXIII, 1159: ex lupo in simplicem el 
innocentem agnum mutatum ; cfr. Actus 79 : iam factua quasi agnus ex lupo. 

2 Ed. Dick, c. 217 [230]. 


nisi iuraveris te non amplius offensuram pauperes, come- 
dendo eorum oves. Ilia vero ad hoc quoque capite suo 
annuit ^ Brother Wolf also does the same, se ingenicu- 
lans cum inclinatione capitis, but being more au fait with 
polite customs, he does not forget to hold out his paw in 
token of good faith. ^ Still, the attitude of the two beasts 
is identical. ^ 

The compiler of the Legend of Gubbio had in mind 
also other beasts who had shewn themselves amenable to 
the commands of friars or respectful to saints. For instance 
Florentius, who had need of a guardian for his flocks, 
invoked the aid of God. And lo! up comes a bear, 
qui dutn ad terram caput deprimeret, nihilque feritatis in 
suis motihus demonstraret, aperte dabat intelligi, quod ad 
viri Dei ohsequium venisset. But alas ! monkish spitefulness 
knows no bounds ! Florentius became extremely fond of 
his bear, honest guardian of his flocks, quern ex simplicitate 
multa FRATREM vocare consueverat. But his fellow-monks 
of another convent, jealous of the miracle killed his be- 
loved beast ! "^ Brother Bear was in truth more of a gen- 
tleman than Brother Wolf, yet his end was less happy; 
for Frate Lupo passed peacefully away as a retired pen- 
sioner among the people of Gubbio. 

The same book that has given us Frate Orso, viz : 
the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, speaks also of another 
formidable bear. 

It is well known that in the Gothic period the orthodox 
clergy took sides with the Greeks. Cerbonius, bishop of 

1 Hist. Uus. c. 19, 20 1. c. 1118. 

2 Actus, 81. 

3 Arch. Giur. LXX, ( 1 903) ; Tamaasia, Fidem facere. 

4 Dial. Ill, 15. 


Populonia dared to give shelter to certain imperial soldiers, 
to protect them from the persecution of king Totila. Un- 
fortunately for the bishop, the king himself came up, caught 
Cerbonius red-handed, and condemned him to a most cruel 
death. A monstrous bear was told off to devour the 
poor prelate. Preparations are made for the bloody spec- 
tacle ; great crow^ds assemble, excited by the morbid tra- 
ditions of the Circus. Episcopus deductus in medium est... 
Dimissus... ursus ex cavea est, qui accensus et concitus 
Episcopum petiit, sed subito suae feritatis ohlitus, deflexa 
cervtce, suhmissoque humiliter capite, lambere Episcopi 
pedes coepit... Tunc populus, qui ad spectaculum venerat 
mortis, magno clamore, versus est in admirationem vene- 
rationis. " 

Brother Wolf did just the same as soon as he saw 
Saint Francis. Multis cementibus de locis in quibus ad 
spectandum ascenderant, lupus ille terribilis contra S. Fran- 
ciscum et socium aperto ore cucurrit... Statim se ad pedes 
sancti, iam factus quasi agnus ex lupo, capite, inclinato, 
prostravit... Omnes ad plateam simul convenerunt... tunc 
omnes ibi congregati cum clamore valido promiserunt... 
Et facta est tanta admiratio... ut omnes clamarent ad 

Here we have the missing stones of our broken mosaic. 
The Franciscan has worked in Gregorian and pre-Gregorian 
fragments into its representation of the wolf-outlaw and the 
figure of the Saint of Assisi. 

A little learned pedantry reveals the old work that lies 
underneath the surface. What then ? Art is justified, 
and the Fioretti, be they Franciscan or not, will always 

I Dial. III. 11. 


be read. Before it becomes a statue, that on which art 
works is — raw material and thought. Neither of these is 
created by the artist, who yet well deserves his name 
when he works with such grace as is shewn by the friar, 
or friars, responsible for the authorship of the Fioretti. 

And what about the answer to Papini's question? It 
is easy and certain. We may say that the miracle of 
Gubbio began to be written when the Historia Lausiaca 
was put together. It was continued by Gregory the Great, 
and finished by the authors of the Actus. It seems as 
though the Saint of Assisi were like the sun. The buds 
that sleep within their winter covering, warmed by his 
beams, awake... and burst into flower. 



Flor. No. 1. Actus B. Fr. N. 1. 

Fior. No. 2. Actus B. Fr. N. H 10 seqq. - 5. August. Confess. 
Vm, 12. Vita Ant. c. 2. Migne, Patr. Lat. LXXUI, 127. 

Fior. No. 3. Actus B. Fr. N. 2 - Thorn. Vita I, 53 ; Rosedale, 45. 

Fior. No. 4. Actus B. Fr. N. 3 - "Regula a. 1221 c. 3, 9, 14; 
a. 1223. c. 3. 

Fior. No. 5. Actus B. Fr. N. 4. 

Fior. No. 6. Actus B. Fr. N. 5 - Qen. XXVII. 

Fior. No. 7. Actus B. Fr. N. 6 - Qreg. M. Dial. II, 1. 

Fior. No. 8. Actus B. Fr. N. 7 - Thorn. Vita II. ^Rosedale, 75. 
Cfr. Math. V. 10 seqq. Paul. I Cor. XIII. 

Fior. No. 9. Actus B. Fr. N. 8 - Thorn. Vita I. 20; ^Rosedale, 
43. Migne, Op. c. 744, 751. Cfr. Dial. cit. I, 5. Cfr. Prima con- 
siderazione delle stimmate. 

Fior. No. 10. Actus B. Fr. No. 10 - Dial. cit. II. 20; Migne, 
Op. cit. %1. 1034. 

Fior. No. 11. Actus B. Fr. N. 1 1 - Cfr. 10 and 12. 

Fior. No. 12. Actus B. Fr. N. 12 - Migne, Op. cit. 949-50; 

Fior. No. 13. Actus B. Fr. N. 13 - Migne, Op. cit. 263 ; Vita 
Pack. c. 45. 

Fior. No. 14. Actus B. Fr. N. 14 - Migne, Op. cit. 263. 

Fior. No. 15. Actus B. Fr. N. 15 - Dial. cit. II, 33 ; cfr. Migne, 
Op. c. 759-61. 

Fior. No. 16. Actus B. Fr. N. 16 - Thorn. Vita I ; 58; 'T^ose- 
dale, 48. 

Fior. No. 17. Actus B. Fr. N. 19 - Greg. M. Horn, in Evang. 
II, 34; N. 18. 

Fior. No. 18. Actus B. Fr. N. 20 - Migne, Op. cit. 438 seqq. 

Fior. No. 19. Actus B. Fr. N. 21 - Dial. cit. I. 9. 


Fior. No. 20. Actus B. Fr. N. 22 - Caes. Dial. mir. IV, 4; ed. 
Strange I, 175, 

Fior. No. 21. Actus B. Fr. N. 23 - See Appendix III. 

Fior. No. 22. Actus B. Fr. N. 24. 

Fior. No. 23. Actus B. Fr. N. 26 - Vita S. loan. Eleem. c. 16; 
Migne, Op. cit. 354-5 ; cfr. Caes. Ill, 24. 

Fior. No. 24. Actus B. Fr. N. 27 - Thorn. Vita I, 57. "Rosedale, 
47. Cfr. Caes. X, 24. 

Fior. No. 25. Actus B. Fr. N. 28 - (Lepers). 

Fior. No. 26. Actus B. Fr. N. 29 - See Appendix II. 

Fior. No. 27. Actus B. Fr. N. 36-37. 

Fior. No. 28. Actus B. Fr. N. 30 - Cfr. Tiegula c. 3. 

Fior. No. 29. Actus B. Fr. N. 31 - Migne, Op. cit. 266, 290. 
(Vita Pach. c. 48 and Vita Abrahae c. 15). 

Fior. No. 30. Actus B. Fr. N. 32. 

Fior. No. 31. Actus B. Fr. N. 35 - Migne, op. cit. 256-7; Vita 
Pach. c. 38. 

Fior. No. 32. 

Fior. No. 33, Actus B. Fr. N. 43 - Dial. cit. I, 1 1 ; cfr. II, 3 
e Acta SS. T. I Jul. 164. 

Fior. No. 34. Actus B. Fr. N. 46. 

Fior. No. 35. Actus B. Fr. N. 45 - Cfr. Fior. N. 15. 

Fior. No. 36. Actus B. Fr. N. 59 - Migne, op. cit. 262 ; cfr. 
Haureau, Mem. de 1' Inst, national de France, XXVIII, 2 ; 248 
note 2. Cfr. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla ed. Crane; N. 19. 

Fior. No. 41. Cfr. Fior. N. 43. Episode of Silvanus ; M/gne, op. 
cit. 255. Novellino, 15; cfr. D'Ancona, Studj di critica e storia let- 
teraria, Bol. 1880; 308-9. Cfr. also Dial. cit. 11, 4. 

Fior. No. 42. Actus B. Fr. N. 53 - Caes. IX, 50 ; VIII, 2. 

Fior. No. 43. Actus B. Fr. N. 50 - Episode of Silvanus; Migne, 
op, cit. 252. Legend of the Two Companions : S. P. 'Dam. op, I, 
102 (Ep. VI, 20), Greg. M. Dial. cit. IV, 55. Jacques de Vitry, 
Ex. N, 31 ; Migne, LXXII, 167-8, Cfr, Passavanti, Specchio della 
vera penitenza, Dist. IV, 1-2, Haureau, 1. c, 238, Schonhacb, in 
SB, Ak. Wiss, Wien CXXXIX. 1 seqq. 

Fior. No. 44. V, Patr. Tioswe^de, 875, Caes. VII, 9, 16, 17, 
19. 20, 21, 22, 23; III, 21 ecc, 

Fior. No, 45. Actus B, Fr, N. 69 - Cfr. Fior. N. 41, 43. 

Fior. No. 46. 

Fior. No. 47. Actus B. Fr. N. 68 - Caes. VII, 47; XI, 4; cfr. 
Dial. cit. IV, 47, 

Fior. No. 47, Hist, tribul. Ord. Min. ed. Ehrle, in Arch, fiir 


Litteratur-und Kirchengesch. des Mitelalt., II, 279-81 . Migne, LXXIII, 
962. Arhor vitae etc. ib. 262 ; V. Pach. c. 45. Cfr. Fior. N. 36. 

Fior. No. 49. Actus B. Fr. N. 54 - Caes. VIII, 13. 

Fior. No. 50. Actus B. Fr. N. 56 - Greg. M, Dial. IV, 55 ; 
Caes. XII, 33. 

Fior. No. 51. Actus B. Fr. N. 57 - Cfr. Fior. N. 43. 

Fior. No. 52. Actus B. Fr. N. 51 - Caes. VIII, 39. 

Fior. No. 5i. Actus B. Fr. N. 52 - Caes. IX, 27, 32. 






I. — INDEX of Authors, some Illustrators and Editors 


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Abrahams, Israel i, 79 de Benyowsky, Count 46 

Adam.Mme. Edmond 38 Bernhard, Oscar 85 

Adams, Arthur H.- 8 j Berry, T. W 77,8,5 

Adams, Francis 66 ! Besant, Annie 38 

Adams, W. Auguste 3 | Bigelow, John 33 

Aesop 83 i Bindloss, Harold 66 

Aho, Juhani 8 { Birch, Walter de Gray 47 

Albright, Mrs. W. .A 59 Blacker, J . F 35 

Alexander, Mrs 8, 85 ! Blake, Bass 11 

Alien 8 1 Blake, B. C 11 

Allardyce, Paul 77 } Blind, Mathilde 3, 74 

Amber, Miles 8 | Bliss, Rev. Edwin M 47 

Andreief, Leonidas 8 Blond (Set Le Blond). 

Andrews, Katharine 8 Bloom, J . Harvey 35 

Arbuthnot, Sir A. J 39 Blount, Mrs. George 11 

Archer, Laura M. Palmer 

Archer, T. A 47 

Archer, William S 

Armstrong, I. J 
Arnold, A. S. . 
Aronson, V. R. 

Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen ....48, 59 

Blytb, Edmond Kell 77 

Bodkin, M. McDonnell 11 

Boissier, Gaston 66 

39 ' Boland, Mary A 81 

59 i Bolsche, Wilhelm 41 

Askew, Alice and Claude . . 8, 87 i Bolt, Ben 11 

Austin, Mrs. Sarah 43 I Bon (See Le Bon); 

Axon, William E. A 60 ! Bond, J. A. Walpole- 77 

j Bonner, Hypathia Bradlaugh 38 

Bacheller, Irving 9 I Booth, Eva Gore 65 

Badham, F. P 77 j Boulger, Demetrius C 40 

Bailey, E. E. J 1 : Bourget, Paul 11 

Baillie-Saunders, Margaret. . . 9 : Bourinot, Sir John G 48 

Baker, Ernest, A 66 ■ Bousset, W 77 

Baker, H. Barton , 91 Boutray, Emile 33 

Baker, James g \ BowacK, William Mitchell ... 59 

Bamford 59 : Bowen, Ivor 59 

Banfield, E. J 66 ; Boweii-Rowlands, Lilian .... 11 

Baring-Gould, S 47 i Bowles, Thomas Gibson 59 

Barlow, Jane 9 Boxall. G. E 74, 48, 59 

Barnett, Canon 59 | Boyesen, Prof. Hjalmar H. . . . 48 

Barr, AmeHa E 9, 85 Bradley, Henry 48 

Barr, Walter 10 j Brainerd, E. H 11 

Barry, William 10, 47 j Bray, Reginald A 60, 77 

Barth, Dr. Theodor 60 ' Breda, G. H ii. 

Bartram, George 10 I Brentano 82 

Basile, Giambattista 82 Brereton, Austin 48 

Bastian, H. Charlton 74 i Bridgett, T. E 77 

Bateson, Mary 47 j Bright, Allan H 60 

Batey, John 85 ] Brightwen, Mrs 38, 74 

Bealby, J. T 10 j Broda, Rodolphe 87 

Bearne, Catherine A 47 | Bromley, A. W 85 

Beauclerk, Lady Diana 35 j Brooke, Magdalene 11 

Beaumont, Francis 5 ' Brooke. Rev. Stopford A 33 

Beavan, Arthur Hr 74 ! Brookes, L. Elliott 85 

Beazley, C. Raymond 39 ' Brookfield, Arthur 83 

Becke, Louis 10, 43 j Brooks, Geraldine 48 

Beckman, Ernest 82, 83 : Brown, Charles Reynolds 60, 77 

Beckworth, James P 461 Brown, Francis 60 

Beers, Henry A i i Brown, Madox 83 

Bell, Robert 74 ! Browne, Prof. Edw. G 1 

Bellermann, Ludwig 7 . Browne, Gordon 84 

Benjamin, S. G. W 47 Browne, Haji A 48 

Benson, Robert Hugh 77 : Browne, H. .Moigan 60 

Bentley, Arthur F 59 j Bruce, Mary L 44 


Briickner, A i 

Brunetiere, Ferdinand i 

Buchanan, A.J 67 

Buchanan, Alfred 11 

Buchanan, Robert 11 

Buckmaster, J . C 60 

Buel, Clarence C 48 

Bulfin, W 67 

BuUen, Frank T ir 

Burne-Jones, Edward 5 

Bums, John 63 

Burns, Robert 5 

Burrard, W. Dutton 11 

Burton, E. de Witt 77 

Butler, Lewis 48 

Butler, W. F 48 

Byles, Rev. John 82 

Byrde, Margaretta 11 

Byron, Lord 70 

Cable, G. W 

Cadbury, Edward 

Caddick, Helen 

Caird, Lindsay H 

Caird, Mona 

Callahan, Tames Horton 

Cameron, V. Lovett 

Campbell, R. J 

Campbell, Mrs. Vers 

Canning, Albert S. G 

Capes, Bernard 

Capuana, Luigi 

Carey, Charles 

Carducci, Giosue 

Carlile, W. and Victor W 

Carroll, Lewis 

Carse, Roland 48, 

Cartwright, Mrs. Edward .... 

Caryl, Valentine 

Cayley, George John 

Cayley-Webster, H 

de Cervantes, Miguel 

Cesaresco, Countess Martin- 

engo 34, 39, 49, 67, 

Chamberlain, Charles J 

Chambers, R. W 

Chapman, George 

Chesson, Nora 

Chevalier, Albert 

Chomley.C. H 

Choyce, James 

Chrichfield, George VV 

Christy, Robert 

Church, Prof. Alfred J 

Clare, Austin 

Clark., H. A 


Cleeve, Lucas 

Clcrigb, Arthur 

Clifford, Hugh 

Clifford, Mrs. W. K 

49 ! 
67 I 




Clyde, Constance i3 

Cobbleigh, Tom 13 

Cobden, Richard 39. 60 

Cole, Timothy 35 

Coleridge, Lord 39, 49 

Collet, Collet Dobson 60 

Collingw'ood, S. D 35, 39 

CoUodi, C 82, 83 

Compton, Henry 46 

Congdon, Charles T 4° 

Congreve, William 5 

Conrad, Joseph 13 

Conway, Sir William Martin . . 67 

Cooke, Frances E 83 

Coolidge, W. A. B 67 

Copinger, W. A 49 

Corkran, Henriette 13 

Cornaby, W. A 67 

Cornish, Vaughan 67 

Costelloe, Ray 13 

Cotterell, Constance 13 

Courlander, Alphonse 13 

Courtney, Leonard 60 

Cowper,' William 4 

Cox, Harold 60, 61 

Cox, Palmer 83 

Cox, Rev. Samuel 77 

Crampton , George 13 

Crawford, F. Marion 13 

de Crespigny, Mrs. Philip 

Champion 13 

Crockett, S. R 13 

Crompton, Henry 61 

Crottie, JuJiaM 14 

Cruiksbank, George 82 

Cruso, H. A. A 4 

Dale.T.F 86 

Dalin, Talmage 14 

Dalton, Moray 14 

Dalziel, James 14 

Dana, Chas. A 85 

Danson, John Towne 61 

Daudet, .\lphonse 82, 83 

Davenport, Arthur 67 

Davenport, Herbert Joseph.. 61 

Davids, T. W. Rhys 49 

Davidson, Augusta M. Camp- 
bell 68 

Davidson, Lillias Campbell. . . 14 

Davies, Mary 81 

Davis, Richard Harding 68 

Davis, Thomas 49, 87 

Dawson, W. Harbutt 

Dean, Mrs. Andrew 14 

Deasy, H. H. P 68 

Defoe, Daniel 82, 83 

von Degen 14 

Degeuer, Herman A. L 86 

Dekker, Thomas 5 

De la.Rey, Mrs. General 40 

Dethridge, G. Olivia 33 

Dew-Smith, Mrs 14 

Dewsnup, Ernest R 61 

Dickeson, Alfred 14 

Dietrich, Max 85 

Dietzel, H 6 

Dieulafoy, Marcel Auguste ... 49 

Digby, William 68 

Dillon, B. J 78 

Dittrich, Hermann 35, 75 

Dodge, Walter Phelps 39, 49, 83 

Douglas, Sir George 3 

Douglas, Prof. R. K 49 

Dowie, Menie Muriel 46 

Drachman, Holger 14 

Drosines, Georgios. . . .14, 82, 83 
Drury, Robert 46 


Dryden, John 5 

DiJbi, H 67 

Duff, J.Wight I 

Duffy, Bella 49 

Duffy, Sir Chas. Gavan 

33. 39. 40, 49. 87 

Duhamel, H 67 

Du Maurier 36 

Dumillo, Alice 14 

Dunckley, Henry 60 

Dundas, Christian 14 

Diintzer, Heinrich 40 

Dutt. Romesh 14 

Dutt, W. A 68 

Dyer, John 4 

van Dyke, John C 35 

Dyke, Watson 14 

Eastwick, Robert W 46 

von Ebner-Eschenbach, Marie 14 

Echegaray, Don Jos6 4 

Eckenstein, Oscar 68 

Edwards, Owen M 49, 87 

van Eeden, F 14 

Egerton, Hugh B 43 

Eivind, R 83 

Elias, Frank 61 

tliot, George 68 
lizabeth of England, Prin- 
cess 40 

Ellenberger, Professor 35 

Elliott, Ebenezer 61 

Ellis, Havelock 56 

Blphinstone, Lady 78 

Elster, Ernst 4 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo 40 

Enock, C. Reginald 68 

Erskine, Mrs. Steuart 35 

Escott. T. H.S 49, 61 

Evans, Howard 42 

Evans, S. Hope 83 

Evans, Thomas W 40 

Evans, W. Sandford 85 

Bwald, Alex.C 5 

Eyre-Todd, George 44 

Faguet, Emile i 

Falconer, Lanoe 14 

Farge iSee La Farge). 

Farquhar, George 5 

Farrer, J. A 14 

Farrow, G. E 84 

Fawcett, Mrs. Henry 65 

Fegan, Bertie 86 

Ferguson, Sir Samuel 14, 87 

Ferri, Prof. Enrico 33 

Field, Michael 4 

Findlay, Frederick R. N 68 

Fisher, Harrison 35 

Fisher, Lala 11 

Fitz-Gerald.B.A 68 

Fitzgerald, Percy. .15, 35,41, 50 

Fitzmaurice-Kelly, J 40 

Flammarion, Camille 75 

Fletcher, J. S 15 

Fletcher, John 5 

Flowerdew, Herbert 15 

Fogazzaro, Antonio 15 

Ford, Douglas 44 

Ford, John 5 

Ford, Mary 83 

Foreman, John 68 

Forrest, J . Dorsey 50 

Forrest, R. E 15 

Forster, L. M 81 

Foster, George Burman 78 

Foster, J. J 35, 50 

Foster, Sir Michael 38 


Frapan, lUe 15 

Eraser, Join. 15 

Frazer, K. W i, 50 

Frederic, Harold 15 

Freeman, Prof. E. A 50 

French, Henry Willard 15 

Fuller, Margaret 40 

Furness, Annette 15 

Furniss, Harry 36 

Gaggin, John 68 

Gambler, J . W 40 

Ganconagh (W. B. Yeats) .... 24 

Gannon, John P 50 

Gardiner, A. G 62 

Gardiner, J. H 78 

Gardner, W. J 50 

Gamett, Richard 4, 45 

Gebuza 6x 

Geen, Philip 85 

George, E. A 78 

Gertrude, Aunt 82 

Gibb, B. J. W. 52 

" Gil" 13 

Gilman, Arthur 50, 5a 

Gilman, Daniel Coit 78 

Gissing, George 13 

Glover, John R 42 

Goethe, W 4 

Gomme, G. Lawrence .... 50, 61 

Goodenough, Rev. G 86 

Gordon, Charles 30 

Gordon, H. Laing 44 

Gordon, Lady Duff 43 

Gordon, William Clark 33 

Gorky, Maxim 15 

Gosse, Edmund 6 

Gould, F. Carruthers 61,84 

Gould, G. M 40 

Grace, R. W 84 

Graham, R. B. Cunninghame . 68 

Grant, Daniel 62 

Graves, Alfred Perceval. . .43, 87 

Gray, E. Conder 40 

Gray, Thomas 50, 73 

Greeley, Horace 40 

Green, Anna Katherine 16 

Greene, Robert 5 

Gregory, Lady 34 

Gribble, Francis 68 

Grieve, Ed. B 86 

Griffiths, D.R 16 

Griffiths, Arthur 16, 50 

Guarracino, Beatrice 81 

Guest, Lady Charlotte 16, 87 

Guyer, Michael F 75 

Gwynn, Stephen 36 

Gyp 16 

Hackwood, F. W 86 

Haldane, Richrad Burton 62 

Hale, Susan 50 

Hales, A. G 16 

Hall, Charles Cuthbert 78 

Hall, Moreton 4 

Hall, R. N 68 

Halp^rine-Kaminski, H 46 

Hamilton, Cosmo 15 

Hamilton, Lord Ernest 14 

Hannah, J. E 50 

Hardie, J. Keir 65 

Harding, Ellison 15 

Hardy, Rev. E. J. 

16, 41, 68, 78, 81, 87 

Harland, Marian 81 

Harper, S. Ecclcston 32 

Harper, William Rainy 78 

Harrison, Mrs. Burton 16 




Harrison, Mrs. Darent i6 

Harrison, Jane E 36 

Harting, J. E 75 

Harvie-Brown, J . A 75 

Hasen, Ch. Downer 50 

Hasler, G 67 

Hatfield, Henry Rand 86 

Hauff, Wilhelm 83 

Hawkesworth, Alfred 69 

Hay, John 42 

Hay, William 16 

Hayden, Arthur 36 

Heine, Heinrich 4 

Heinemann, Karl 4 

Hemaiis, Mrs 87 

Hennessey, J . W 83 

Henshaw, Julia W 16 

Henson, H. He&sley 78 

Henty, G. A 16, 85 

Herbert, George...... 4, 7S, 87 

Herford, C. H 5 

Herrick, Christine Terhune ... 81 

Herring, Frances E 69 

Hertz, Gerald Berkeley 50 

Hertz-Garten. Theodor 16 

Heywood, Thomas 5 

Heywood, William 69 

Hicks, John W 86 

Hill, Edmund L 4 

Hill, Geoffry 78 

Hill, George Birkbeck 43 

Hill, Robert T. '. 69 

Hindlip, Lord 69 

Hinkson, H. A 17 

Hirst, Francis W 62 

Hobbes, John Oliver ..4,, 17, 69 

Hobhouse, L. T 62 

Hobson, J. A 63, 69 

Hocking, Silas K 17 

Hodgson, W. B 62 

Hoffmann, E. T. A 83 

Hogan, James Francis 62 

Holdsworth, Annie E 17 

Holmes, Timothy 38 

Holyoake, George Jacob 41 , 62 , 86 

Honeyman, C.'van Doren .... 69 

Hornbv, F. M 33 

Horne,H. P 6 

Homiman, Roy 18 

Horridge, Frank 41 

Horrwitz, Ernest i 

Horton, R.F 78 

Hosmer, Prof. James K 50 

Houghton, Louis Seymore. .. . 50 

Howard, George Elliott. .51, 78 

Howe, Frederic C. 62 

Howell, George 62 

Hueffer, Ford H 62,83 

Hudson, W. H £3 

Hug, Lina Si 

Hugessen, Knatchbull 83 

Hulbert, H. B 73 

Hulme, F. E 75 

Hume, Martin A. S. ..43, 5i, 72 

Humphrey, Fraok Pope i8 

gumphrey, Mrs.. 18, 81 

ungerford, Mrs 18 

Hyde, Douglas 2, 5, 78, 87 

Ibsen, Henrik 5 

Indicus 69 

Ingersoll, Ernest 75 

Iron, Ralph (Olive Schreiner) . 26 

Irving, Edward 75 

Irving, Fanny Belle 18, 85 

Irwin, H. C 18 

James, David H 51 


Jane, L. Cecil 51 

Japp, Alex. H 41 

Javelle, Emile 69 

Jay, Harriett 38 

Jcbb, Louisa 69 

Jeffery, Walter 11, 18, 43 

Jenkins, Rhys 86 

Jenks, Edward 51 

Jennings, Edward W 18 

Jephson, Henry 62 

Jephson, Julie 38 

Jepson, Edgar 18, 84, 87 

Jernigan,T. R 62 

Jerningham, Sir Hubert 18 

Jessopp, Augustus ... .18, 33, 51 

Jewett, Sarah Orne 51 

Johnson, Robert U 51 

Johnson, T. Broad wood 69 

Jones, David Brynmor 51 

Jones, H. Stuart 51 

J ones, W. Lewis 2 

Jonson , Ben 5 
usserand.J.J 2, 33, 52 

de Kantzow, Alfred 3 

Keary, C. F 18 

Keene, Charles 37 

Keller, Gottfried 18 

Kelly, J.P.J 52 

Kenjpster, Aquila 18 

Kerr, S. Parnell 69 

Kettle, Rose Mackenzie ..19, 85 

Kiesow, E. L 85 

Kildare, Owen 19 

King, Clarence 69 

king, Irving 78 

King, Joseph 62 

King, Richard Ashe ....44, 87 

Kingsford , C. L 47 

Kinross, Albert 19 

Kitson, Arthur 63 

Knight, William 39 

Ko, Ta Sein 78 

Kolokorones, Theodore 46 

Korolenko, V 19 

Kroeker, Kate Freiligrath ..83 

Kruger, Paul 41 

Kruger, Gustav 78 

Kurz, Louis 67 

La Farge 69 

Lambe, J . Lawrence 19 

Landon, Mary 19 

Lane, Ralph 63 

Lane-Poole, Stanley 5a 

Langbridge, Rosamond 19 

Langland, WiUiam 2 

Latane, John H 52, 63 

Lanyon, H. St. Martin 19 

Laurenson, Arthur 41 

Laverton, Mrs. H. S 19 

Law, Alice 3 

Lawless, Emily 53 

Lawson, Sir Wilfrid 61 

Lawton, Frederick 36 42 

Lear. Edward 45 

Le Blond, Mrs. Aubrey. . . .69, 70 

Lebon, Andr6 52 

Le Bon, Gustave 33 

Lee, Vernon 19, 33, 52 

Lee-Hamilton, Eugene 19 

Legge, Helen Edith 36 

Leigh, M. Cordelia 79 

LelandCh. G. (" Breitmann ") 19 

Lentheric, Charles 70 

Leroy-Beaulieu, P 60 

Levasseur, R 63 

Levy, Amy 5 

Lewis, Frank C: 20 


Leyds, W. J 52 

Liddcll, Arthur R 85 

Lilly, W. S 52 

Litta, Duke 20 

Little, A. G 52 

Little, Mrs. Archibald ....2C, 70 

Lloyd, Albert B 70 

Lloyd, H. D 63 

Lloyd, Wallace 20 

Locke, James 20 

Loeb, Jacques 75 

Lombroso, Prof. C 34 

Lonergan, W. F 52 

Lord, Walter Frewen 42 

Lorraine, Rupert 20 

Low, Sidney 63 

Lowes, Mrs -^t 

Lucas, Alice 79 

Lumsden, James 70 

Lunn, Henry S 63 

Lynch, E. M .20, 87 

Lyons, A. Neil 20 

Lyons, Albert E in 

Lyttelton, Edith 5 

Mac, J 70 

McAulay, Allan 20 

MacBride, MacKenzie 20 

McCarthy, Justin 42,52 

McClelland, J 63 

McCormick, A. D 67 

MacDerraott, Martin 34, 87 

MacDonagh, Michael . .39, 40, 87 

Macdonald, Alexander 70 

Macdonaid, George 20 

Macdonald, Leila 5 

Macdonald, Robejrt 84 

von Mach, Richard 63 

Mcllraith, J.R .58 

Mcllwraith, J. N ;83 

McKendrick, John G 41 

Mackintosh, C. W 39 

Mackintosh, John 53 

McMahan, A. Benneson 7° 

McManus, Blanche 84 

MacManus, James 20 

McManus, L 20 

MacphaJl, Andrew 79 

Macy, J esse 63 

Maddison, F 42 

Magnay, Sir William so 

Mahaffy, Prof. J. P 53 

Malet, Lucas 34 

Mallet, Sir Louis 60, 63 66 

Mallik, Manmath C 34, 70 

Mann, Mary E 21, 87 

Marble, Annie Russell 2 

Mario, Jessie White 44, 53 

Mark, H. Thiselton 79 

Marlowe, Christopher 6 

Marquis, T. G 21 

Marsh, R'chard 21 

Marshall, Thomas 34 

Martin, Alfred Jf 79 

Martyn, Edward 21 

Martyn, Ethel K 33 

Mason, Eugen 5 

Maspero, G 53 

Massey, Gerald 53 

Massinger, Philip 6 

Massingham, H. W 63 

Masson, Gustave 53 

Masterman, C. F. G 34 > 62 

Mathews, Shailer 77, 79 

I Maude, Edwin 42 

Maugham, W. Somerset 21 

Maurice, C. Edmund 53 

du Maurier, G 36 



Mayne, Ethel Colbuni 2 1 j 

Mazzanti, C. 83 

Mazzini, Joseph 79 

Meade, Mrs. L. T 3i, 85 

Meakin, Budgett 63 

Meirion, Ellinor 21 

Mencken, Henry L 34 

Middleton, Thomas 6 

MikouUtch, V 2t 

Milford, L. S 53 

Millar, J. H a 

Miller, Frank Justus 6 

Miller, William 53. 7° 

Mills, B. J 2 

Mills, Wesley 75 

Milne, James 21 

Milyoukov, Paul 63 

Minns, BUis H i 

Mistral, Fr6d6ric 6 

Mitchell, S. Weir 2i, 45 

Moffat, John Smith 42 

Molesworth, Mrs 83 

de Molinari, G 63 

de Montagnac, Noel 7i 

Montagu, Lily H 21 

de Montalban, D. J. P 40 

Montgomery, K. L 2 1 

Moore, A. W 53 

Moore, George 6, 21, 34 

Morel, B. D 63 

Morfill, W. R 3 4 

Morley, John 39 

Morris, Mrs. Frank 83 

Morris, Lydia J 42 

Morrison, W. Douglas. ... 34, 54 

Moscheles, Felix 36 

Mosso, Angelo 36, 71 

Mottram, William 2 

Miigge, M. A 34 

Muir, Robert James 22, 34 

Mummery, A. F 71 

Murray, David 54 

Murray, J. Clark 22 

Myron, A. Kiel 6 

Needham, Raymond 54 

Negri, Gaetano 79. 4I1 54 

Nelson, Jane 22 

Nesbit, B 22, 84 

Newman, Edward 75 

Newton, John 38 

Nicholson, Brinsley 6 

Nicholson, F. C 5 

Nicholson, L 6 

Nicholson, R. A 2 

Nicolay, John G 42 

Nicolson, Arch. K. 83 

Nietzsche, Friedrich 34 

Nieuwenkamp, VV. O. J; 3' 

Noble, M. A; 86 

Noel, Roden 6, 64 

Nordau, Max 36 

Norman, Henry 71 

Norman-Neruda 71 

Normyx 22 

Norris, W. B: 22 

Northcote, James 36 

Ober, F. A 71 

O'Brien, R: Barry 54, 64, 83 

O'Clerigh, Arthur 49 

O'Connor, T.P 38,54 

O'Donnell, C. J 64 

Ogilvie, Will H 71 

O'Grady, Standish. . .22, 83, 87 

Olcott, Lucy 69 

Oliphant, Mrs 22, 83 

Oliver, S: P 46 

Oman, C. W; C 54 


Oman, John Campbell 79 

Omond,' G. W. T 22 

Oppenheim, A. 1 75 

Orczy, Baroness 22 

Orsi, Prof Pietro 54 

Otway, Thomas 5 

Ouida 22 

Onthwaite, R. M 12 

Owen, Charles 22 

Page, H. A 43 

Paget, Stephen 41 

Pain, Barry 22, 87 

Pais, Ettore 54 

Pankhurst, Mrs 65 

Parke, A. J 37 

Parker, Theodore 79 

Parsons, John Denham 76 

Paulsen, Friedrich 79 

Payne, J . F 44 

Pennell, Charles 37 

Pennell, Elizabeth Robins .... 36 

Pennell, Joseph 36 

de Pentheny, S: 22 

Perrin, F 67 

Pfleidcrer, Otto 79 

Phelps, William Lyon 5 

Philpott, Hugh B 80 

Pidgin, Charles F 22 

Pike, G. Holden 39, 43, 45 

Pike, OUver G 76 

Pink, Alfred 82 

Pinnock, James 7r 

Pinsent, Ellen F 22 

Pinto, Ferd. Mendez 46 

Pitt-Lewis, G 41 

Playne, C. B 22 

Plowden, A. C 43 

de Polen, Narcisse 23 

Porter, C 7 

Potapenko, J 23 

Pott, F. L. Hawks 54 

Power, D'Arcy 41 

Praed, Mrs. Campbell ....23, 43 

Presland, John 6 

Prichard, K. and Hesketh 23 

Proal, Louis 34 

Pryce, G 23 

PuUen-Burry, B 71 

Pusey, S. E. Bouverie 54 

Pyle, Howard 46 

de Quevedo, Francisco 37 

Quin, Ethel Ji 

Ragozin, Z&iaide A 54 

Ravenshear, A. F 64 

Ravenste'n, G. B 80 

Rawlinson, Professor Geonjo . 55 

Rea, Thomas 3 

Read, C. Stanford 82 

Reeth, Allan 25 

Reid, Forrest 25 

van Rensselaer, Mrs 37 

Roy, Guido 71 

Rhead, G. WooUiscroft 37 

Rhys, Ernest 5 

Rhys, John 55 

Richardson, Mrs. Aubrey .... 25 

Richardson, E 6 

Richings, Emily 25 

Richmond, Mrs 76 

Riley, Thomas 83 

Rita 25 

Robinson, A. Mary F 6 

Robinson, Paschal 80 

Roche, James Jeffrey 46 

Rodgers, Joseph 7i 

Rodway, James 55, 72 


Rogers, Thorold 55, 64 

Ronald, M'ary 82 

Roosevelt, Florence 25 

Roosevelt, Theodore 72 

Rosegarth, Brian 25 

Rosegger, Peter 25 

Ross, J anet 34 

Rossetti, Dante Gabriel 34 

Rowbotham, F. Jameson 25,55,84 

Rowlands, Lilian Bowen .... 25 

Rowsell, Mary 83 

Roxby, Percy M 40 

Rudaux, L 76 

Russell, Charles E 64 

Russell, Sir Edward 34 

Russell, George W. B 34 

Russell, T. Baron 34 

Russell, W. Clark 25 

Rutherford, Mark 25 

I^yley, J. Horton 40 

Ryves, K. C 26 

Sabatier, Paul 64, 80 

St. Hilaire, Philippe 26 

St. John, Sir Spencer 38 

Saintsbury , George 65 

Sala, George Augustus 26 

Sanders, Newton 26 

Santayana, George 7 

Sarnia 26 

Scaife, A. H 55 

Schallenberger, V 26 

Schiller, Friedrich 7 

von Schlicht, Baron 26 

Schmidt, Max 34 

Schmidt, Rudolph 76 

Schreiner, C. S. Cronwright . . 65 

Schreiner, Olive 26, 65 

SchuUer, Leo Sarkadi 7 

Scidmore, Eliza Ruhamah... 72 

Scotson-Clark 37 

Scott, Sir Walter 26 

Scott-Blliott, G. F 72 

Scully, W.C 26 

Searelle, Luscombe 72 

Seccombe, Thomas 43 

Segantini, Giovanni 37 

de Segovia, Pablo 37 

Seignobos, Charles 35 

Selleck, W. C 80 

SeUon, B. Mildred 84 

Sergeant, Lewis 55 

Service, Robert W 7 

Seymour, Frederick H. A 37 

Seym ">ur, Major-General .... 72 

Seymc t. Lady 43 

Shadweil, Thomas 6 

Shakespeare, William 7 

Shaw, Albert 65 

Sheehan. Rev. P. A 26 

Sheehy-Skeffington, F 43 

Shelley, Percy 7° 

Shenstone, Mildred 26 

Sheppard, Arthur 86 

Shervinton, Kathleen 44 

Sherwood, A. Curtis a6 

Shipp, John 46 

Shirley, James 6 

ShoU, Anna Maclure 26 

Shuckburgh, B. S 55 

Shuddick, R 86 

Sibley, N. W 65 

Sibree, James 73 

Sidney, Margaret 84 

Sigerson, George 7 

Sillard, Robert M 44 

Simpson, Wm. (Crimean S.) . . 84 

Small, Albion W. 65 

Smith, F. Clifford 26 


INDEX of AUTHORS, some ILLUSTRATORS and EDITORS.— cowirf. vii 


Smith, F. E 65 

Smith, Goldwin 3, 40 

Smith, Isabella 26 

Smith, John 27 

Smith, Mrs. S. H 44 

Smith, T. Berkeley 72 

Smyth, Eleanor C 41 

Snell, F. C 76 

Snow, Isabel 27 

Sollas, W.J 76 

Somerset, Lady Henry 86 

Spelling, T. C 65 

Spence, Catherine 21 

Spicer, Howard 86 

Spinner, Alice 27 

Stacpoole. H.deVere 27,87 

Stanley, Edward 55 

Stead, Alfred 72 

Stead, Richard 51 

Stead, W. T 65 

Steele, Richard 6 

Stein, M. Aurel 72 

Stephens, H. Morse 55 

Stevens. Nina 27 

Stevenj, William Barnes 65 

Stilhnan, W.J 37 

Stokes Sir William 44 

Slopes, Mrs. C. C 65 

Stott, Beatrice 27 

Strachey, John St. Loe....5, 76 

Strain, B. H 27 

Strasburger, Eduard 72 

Stratilesco, Tereza 72 

Street, Eugene E 72 

Stuart, C. Douglas 37 

Stubbs, Chas. William 80 

Sturgis, Russell 37 

Stuttard, John 76 

Summers, Dorothy 27 

Sutclifie, Halliwell 27, 72 

Svenske, Anders 65 

Swain, A. E. H 6 

Swift, Dean 44 

Swift, Benjamin 27 

Swinburne, Algernon Charles. 6 
Symonds, John Addington . . 6 

Symonds, Margaret 72 

Symons, Arthur 6 

Synge, Mrs. Hamilton 27 

Tadema, L. Alma 59 

Taine, Adolphe Hippolyte 72 

Tayler, F. Jenner 28 

Taylor, Austin 65 

Taylor, Charles M 72 

Taylor, Ellen '28 

Taylor, J. F 43, 87 

Taylor, Mrs. John 43 

Tetley , J . George 44 

Theal. Dr. G. McCall 57 

Thomas, Edward 87 

Thomas, Emile 58 

Thomas, W. Jenkyn 


Thomas, William J 34 

Thompson, Helen Bradford . . 76 

Thompson, H. Gordon 86 

Thring, Rev. Edward 34 

Thynne, R 28 

Tirebuck, William 44 

Todhunter, Dr. John 43, 87 

Tomson, Graham R 4 

Tourneur, Cvril 6 

Townsend, C. W 72 

Townshend, Dorothea 43 

Tregarthen, Greville 58 

Treherne, Philip 28, 44 

Trelawny, Edward J 46 

Troubridge, Lady 28 

Trowbridge, W. R. H.. 28, 49, 58 

Truscott, L. Parry 28 

Tucker, Genevieve 82 

Tuin, W. J 37 

Tunison, Joseph S 7 

Tumbull, A. R. R 73 

Turner, Ethel 28, 84 

Turner, Samuel 73 

Turguan, Joseph 58 

Twain, Mark 65 

Tweeddale, John 28 

Tynan, Katherine 7 

Tyrrell, George 80 

Unwin, A. Harold 76 

Uuwin, Mrs. Cobden 62 

Usher, Sir Thomas 42 

Valentine, E. U 32 

Vamb6ry, Arminius 44, 46, 58 

Vanbrugh, Sir John 6 

Vanderlip, Washington B 73 

Vaughan, Henry 87 

Veldheer, J . G 37 

Verga, Giovanni 32 

Verity, A. W 5 

Viele, Herman K 32 

Vierge, Daniel 37 

Villari, Luigi 37, 65, 73 

Villari, Pasquale . . . .42, 43, 58 

Villars,P 46 

Villiers, Brougham 65 

ViUiers, Chas. Pelham ....60,66 

Vincent, Arthur 45 

Voigt, J.C 58 

Volkhovsky, Felix 83 

Wagner, Charles 80 

Wallis, Braithwaite 73 

Walpole, Sir Spencer 45 

Walpole-Bond, J. A 77 

Walsh, CM 7 

Ward, Mrs. Humphry 85 

Ward, W. C 6 

Warden, Florence 32 

Waring, Henry F 80 

Warren, Algernon 86 


Warry, C. King 32 

Watson, Aaron 45 

Watson, J ohn 77 

Watson, John Reay 32 

Watson, Margaret 3* 

Watson, R. Spence 45 66 

Watson, William 7, 46 

Watts, Henry Edw 58 

Webster, Alexander 58 

Webster, H.Cayley 73 

Webster, John 6 

Welby, Lord 60, 66 

WeUby,M.S 73 

Wells, H.G 32, 34 

Wendell, Barrett 3 

Werner, A 73 

Westell, W. Percival 77 

Whadcoat, Gordon Cuming . . 82 

Whistler, J . McNeill 35 

Whitaker, Samuel F. G 7 

White, Hester 32 

White, William 66 

Whitechurch, Victor L 32, 87 

Whitehouse, H. Remsen 38 

Whitman, Sidney ; 58 

Whitty, E. M 59 

Wiel, Alathea 59 

Wilberforce, William 45 

Wilkens, Mary E 32 

Wilkinson, Kosmo 45 

Williams, Leonard 83 

Williams, Meta 83 

Williams, Rowland £0 

Willamson, C. N 32, 87 

Williamson, W. H 32 

Willmore, Edward 7 

Wilson, Claude 73 

Wilton, Jos 32 

de Windt, Harry 73 

Witchell, Charles A 77 

Witt, Paul 32 

Wood, Katharine B 82 

Woods, H. C 73 

Worsley, A. 80 

Workman, Fanny Bullock .... 73 

Workman, William Hunter. . . 73 

Wright, Arnold 86 

Wright, H. K 35 

Wright, H. M 73 

Wycherley, William 6 

Wylwynne, Kythe 32 

Yeats, Jack B 83 

Yeats, W.B 7,32,34 

Yeigh, Kate Westlake 32 

Yeld, George 67, 73 

Ystridde, G 33 

Zimmermann, Jeremiah 73 

Zimmern, Alice 59, 83, 85 

Zimmem, Helen 59, 85 

Zurbriggen, Mattias 73 

INDEX in order of Titles 


Abbot (The) 26 

Abyssinia (Sport and Travel). 69 

Adam (Robert) Artist 35 

Addresses 34 

Adelphi Library (The ) « 

Admiral Phillip 43 

AdmiralVernon and the Navy 44 
Adula Alps of the Leopo'itine 

Range (The) 67 

Adventure Series (The) .... 46 
Adventures of a Bloc kade 

Runner 46 

Adventures of a Supercargo. . 10 
Adventures of a Younger Son 46 

Adventures of a Dodo 84 

Adventures of James Sher- 

vington lo 

Adventures on the Roof of the 

World 69 

iEsop's Fables 83 

Aga Mirza (The Adventures of) 18 

Age of the Earth (The) 76 

.Alexander's Empire 53 

Alfred the Great 4 

Almayer's Folly 13 

Along the Labrador Coast . . 72 

Alpine Memories 69 

Alps (My Climbs in the) .... 71 
Alps to the Andes (From the) 73 

Amazing Duke (The) 20 

Amaranthus 4 

Amarj'Uis 14 

Ambassador (The) 4 

America (Literary History of) 3 
American Civil War (Battles 

and Leaders of the) 51 

American Commerce 86 

American Literature (Heralds 

of) 2 

American Literature (Short 

History of) i 

American Opinion of the 

French Revolution 50 

American Railway Organiza- 
tion 61 

American Scholar (The) .... 79 
American Workman (The) ... 63 

Among the Man-Eaters 68 

Among the People of British 

Columbia 69 

Among the Syringas 21 

Andes and the Amazon (The) 68 

Anglo-Americans 12 

Anglo-Italian Library (The ) . 66 

Anglo-Saxon (The) 48 

Animal Micrology 75 

Animals I Have Known 74 

Anne of Geierstein 26 

Another Englishwoman's Love 

Letters 22 

Another View of Industrialism 59 
Another Wicked Woman .... 22 

Anthony Jasper 11 

Antiquary (The) 26 

Appreciation of the Bible 

(The New) bo 

Arabs (LiteraryHistory of the) 3 
Arcady : for Better for Worse 51 

Arden Massiter 10 

Aristotle's Theory of Conduct 34 
Armaments (The Burden of). 60 

Army Refonn 62 

Art and Artists (On) 36 

Artist's Letters from Japan 69 


Artist Songs 6 

Arts of Design (The) 37 

As a Tree Falls 28 

Ascent of Man (The) 74 

As Others See Us 14 

Aspirate (Tlie) 78 

Assisi (Golden Sayings of 

Giles of) 80 

Assyria 54 

Astronomy for Amateurs .... 75 
Atrocities of Justice under 

British Rule 59 

Augustus (Life and Times of). 55 

Australia (The Real) 67 

Australian Bushrangers (His- 
tory of) 48 

Australian Commonwealth 

(The) 58 

Australian Girlhood (My).... 43 

Australian Sheep and Wool. . 69 

Austria 58 

Autumn Leaves 19 

Avocat Patelin (L*) 7 

Awakening of a Race (The) . 59 

Baboo English 86 

Bachelor in Aicady (A) 27 

Bachelor Maid (A) t6 

Baile's Strand (On) 7 

Baldwin 33 

Balfour's Pamphlet (A Reply) 61 

Balfourism 60 

Balkans (The) 53 

Bamford's Passages 59 

Barbara Cunlifle 27 

Barbarian Invasions in Italy. . 58 

Barbary Corsairs (The; 52 

Bards of Gael and Gall 3 

Battles and Leaders of the 

American Civil War 51 

Beach and Bogland (By).... 9 

Beaconsfield (Lord) 38 

Beauclerk (Lady Diana) 35 

Beauty Adorned 18 

Beckwourth (James P., Life 

and Adventures of) 46 

Beetle (The) 21 

Before I Forget 39 

Begliojoso : A Revolutionary 

Princess 38 

Behind the Arras (From) 13 

Belcaro 33 

Belle Marie (La) 19 

Belle Nivernaise (La) 83 

Bending of the Bough (The) . . 6 
Benyowsky (Memoirs and 

Travels of) 46 

Bergen Worth 20 

Bernard (Claude) 38 

Bernese Oberland (The) 67 

Besant (Anne) 38 

Betrothed (The) 26 

Bible as English Literature 

(The) 78 

Big Game Shooting in South 

Africa 68 

Birdland (In) 76 

Bird Life (British) 77 

Bird Life in Wild Wales 77 

Birds I Have Known 74 

Bird Skinning and Bird 

Stuffing 75 

Bird's Nest (The) 77 

bishop Doyle 40, 87 

Black Dwarf 26 


Black Mary 20 

Black Shilling (The) 9 

Blue Gown (In the Land of 

the) 70 

Blue Lagoon (The) 27, 87 

BlueLilies 12 

Bog of Stars (The) 22, 87 

Bohemia 53 

Bohemia with DuMjurier (In) 36 

Bonaparte in Egypt 48 

Bond of Blood (The) 15 

Bossism and Monopoly .... 65 

Bourgeois (The) 27 

Boy and the Angel (The). ... 82 

Bradlaugh (Charles) 38 

Brahmans (The) 79 

Brand 5 

Breachly (Black Sheep) 10 

Breakfast, Dinner, and Supper 

(Quickest Guide to) 82 

Breitmann in Germany-Tyrol iq 
Bride of Lammermoot (The) . . 26 
Bright Days in Wterrie Eng- 
land 69 

Brightwen, Mrs. (Life and 

Thoughts) 38 

Brightwen Series (The) 76 

Britain (Early) 49 

British Bird Life 77 

British City (The) 62 

British Columbia (,'\mong the 

People of) 09 

British Diplomacy (The Story 

of) 61 

British East Africa 69 

British History (Literary In- 
fluence in) I 

British India 50 

British Industries under Free 

Trade 60 

British Political Leaders .... 42 
British Regiments (Famous) . . 50 
British Writers on Classic 

Lands i 

Brodie (Sir Benjamin) 38 

Brooke (Rajah) 38 

Brown (Captain John) 38 

Brown Owl (The) 83 

Brown, V.C 8, 85 

Brownies in the Philippines . . 83 
Buccaneers and Marooners of 

America (The) 46 

Buchanan (Robert) 38 

Budapest 72 

Buddhist India 49 

Builders of Greater Britain.. 38 
Bulgarian Exarcha^v. (Ync). . 63 

Bundle of Life (A) 17 

Burden of Armaments (The). 6o 

Buried City of Kenfig 50 

Burmese Language (Hand- 
book of the) 78 

Burton(The Real Sir Richard) 39 

Bush Honeymoon (A) 8 

Business of Life (The) 81 

Butterfly (The) 76 

Bygones Worth Remembering 41 

Byron in Italy yo 

Byzantine Empire (The) 54 

Cabot (John and Sebastian).. 39 

Ca meo Series (The) 3 

Camera in the Fields (The) . . 76 
Canada (Children's Study) , . 83 
Canada (Story of the Nitions) 48 



Climbing in the Knrakoram- 

! Himjlavas 67 

Canada To-day 69 , Climbs in the Alps (My) 71 

Canada in Harvest 


85 I Climbs in New Zealand Alps. 

86! Climbs of Norman-Neruda 71 

, , , 87'Clive (Lord) 39 

Cape Colony (Everyday Life).' 68}Cobden and Jubilee of Free 

Captain of the Locusts (The).. 73 I Trade 60 

Captain Sheen 22 Cobden aj a Citizen 39 

Canadian Contingent (The). 
Canal System of England. . . 
Canon in Residence(rhe) . .32 

Cobden, Richard (Life of) . . . 

Cobden (The Political Writings 


Capture of Paul Beck (The). . 11 

Cardinal's Pawn (The) 21 

Carding Mill Valley 19 

Carl vie (Thomas) 39 j Cobden 's Work and Opinions 

Carp'athian to Pindus (From) 72 jCogne (The Mountains of). 

Carroll, Lewis (Life of) 39 Coillard of the Zambesi 

Carroll Picture Book (The 

Lewis) 35 

Carthage • 49 

Cartoons in Rhyme and Line. . 63 
Case of Miss Elliott (The). ... 22 

Case of Wagner (The) 34 

Castle Dangerous 26 

Cat and Bird Stories 76 

Catharine Furze 25 

Caucasus (Fire and Sword in 

the) 73 

Cause and Effect 21 

Cause of Discontents in India 64 
Cause of IndustrialDepression 63 

Cavalleria R\isticana 32 

Cecilia's Lover 9 

Celtic Twilight (The) 7 

Century Cook- Book (The) 82 

Century Invalid Cookery Book 81 

Century Library (The) 12 

Century S cott (Th e) 26 

Certain Personal Matters 32 

Chaldea 54 

Charing Cross to Delhi(From) 69 

Chats on Book-Plates 35 

Chats on Costume 37 

Chats on Earthenware 36 

Chats on English China 36 

Chats on Old Furniture 36 

Chats on Old Lace 36 

Chats on Old Miniatures .... 35 

Chats on Old Prints 36 

Chats on Oriental China .... 35 

Chats Series (The) 35 

Chaucer's Maytime (In) 25 

Chelsea Window Gardening. . 81 
Children of Endurance (The). . 12 
Children^s^Ljbr^ry (The) 82. 83 

Children's Study (The) . 83 

Chile 72 

Chillagoe Charlie 84 

China (Story of the Nations).. 4 9 

China Cup (The) 83 

China from Within 67 

Chinaman (John) at Home . . 68 
China under the Searchlight. . 6 



Colette 26 

Colonise England (To) 62 

Comedy of Three (A) 26 

Comingof Friars (The) 51 

Coming of Parliament (The). . 51 

Coming of Sonia (The) 27 

Command of the Prince (By). 19 

Commerce (American) 86 

Commercial Travelling 86 

Commissioner Kerr 41 

Concerning Cats 4 

Concerning Himself 32 

Confessions of a Beachcomber ,66 
Confessions of a Caricaturist 36 
Confessions of a Match-Making 

Mother 14 

Congo (The) 68 

Continental Outcast (The) . . 60 

Convict Days (Old) 10 

Co-operation (The History of) 62 

Corner of Asia (A * 23 

Cornish Whiddles 83 

Corn Law Rhvmes 61 

Counsels of the Night (The) . . 12 

Count Robert of Paris 26 

Countess Kathleen (The) 7 

Country of Horace and Virgil 66 
Country Parson (Trials of a) 51 

Courage <io 

Court Beauties of (Did White- 
hall 58 

Court Cards 12 

Creek and Gully (By) 11 

Cremer (The Life of W. 

Randall) 42 

Crete (The Palaces of) 36 

Cricket 86 

Cricket on the Brain 13 

Crimean Simpson's Autobio- 
graphy 44 

Criminal Appeal 65 

Criminal Justice (Our) 61 

Criminal Sociology 33 

Crimin ology Series (The) 33 

Crimson Azaleas (The) 27 

Cromwell and His Times 39 

Crowd (The) 33 

China's Business Methods 62 I Cruise of the Wild Duck (The) 14 

Chinese History (A Sketch of) 54 1 Crusades (The) 47 

Chinkie's Flat ; 10 

Christ and the Nation 78 

Christian Belief 78 

Christian Democracy 78 

Christian Origins 79 

Christianity and the Bible . . 80 

Christmas Berries 19 

Churches and the Liquor 

Traffic (The) 59 

Cinderella 13 

City (The) fi2 

Civilisation (The History of) . 55 

Clara Hopgood 25 

Clearer Vision (The) 21 

Clifi Days 25 

Climbers' Guides 67 

Climber's Note Book (The).. 73 

Crystal Age (A) i 

Cuba and International Re- 
lations 60 

Cuba and Porto Rica 69 

Cults of India 79 

Curiosities 22 

Curzon (Lord). The Failure of. 61 

Cut off from the World 11 

Diugnter ot Patricians (A) . . . 26 

Daughter of the Fen (A) 10 

Dauphin V (The Central Alps of 

the) .: 67 

Dauphiny (Maps of the) 67 

David the King 49 

Davidson (Memorials of 

Thomas) 39 


Davis (Thomas) A Short Life 

of 39. 87 

Davitt (Michael) 40 

Dawn of Day (The) 34 

Dawn of the 19th Century in 

England (The) 47 

Days Spent on a Doge'sFarm 72 
Dazzling Miss Davison (The) . 32 

Dazzling Reprobate (A) 28 

Death, The Showman 15 

Deeps of Deliverance (The).. 14 

Deidre 7 

Democracv and Reaction. ... 62 
Derwent (Sir Frederick) .... 19 
Desert Ways to Baghdad(By) 69 

Desmonde, M.D 15 

Destroyer (The) 27 

Development of Christianity. 79 
Development of Western 

Civilization 50 

Devil's Half Acre (The) 8 

Devonshire House (The Story 

of a) .39, 49 

Diana's Hunting II 

Diarvof a Dreamer 14 

Diplomatic Relations of the 

D S.A. and Spanish America 52 

Disciple (The) 11 

Discourse of Matters (A) .... 79 
Discovery of the Future (The) 34 

Disdainful Maiden (The) 83 

Disestablishfnent in Frgince. . 64 

Divine Presence (The) ; 79 

Divorce ii 

Doctor (The) 27 

Doctor Gordon 32 

Dog Book (The) 75 

Dog Stories 76 

Don Quichote 12, 37 

Double Choice (A) 9 

Double Marriage (A) 12 

Doubt and Faith 78 

Drama Of Sunshine (A) 25 

Dramatic Traditions of the 

Dark Ages 7 

Dream and, the Business (The) 17 
Dream Life and Real Life. ... 26 

Dream Woman 32 

Dreams 26 

Driven 32 

Dutch and Fleipjsh M.isters 

(Old) 35 

Dutch Towns (Old) 37 

Dwarf-land and Cfipnibal 

Country (In) 70 

Dyer, John (Works of) 87 

Earl's Cedars 19 

Early Mountaineers (The). .. . 68 

East Africa (British) 69 

East Africa (Sport and Travel) 69 
Eastern Asia (A Brief History 

of) 50 

Ebbing of the Tide (The) 10 

Ebep Hojdien 9 

Economic and Statistical 

Studies 61 

Economic Interpretation of 

History 64 

Editor's Sermons (An) 34 

Education (Trend id Higher) . 78 

Edward Barry 10 

Effie Hetherington 1 1 

Egypt (Ancient) ,53, 55 

Egypt (Bonaparte in) 48 

Egypt (The New) 66 

Egypt (New Light on Ancient) 53 
Egypt (Secret History of the 

English Occupation of) ... . 48 
Eighteenth Century Painter 

(Memorials of an) 36 


El Dorado (In Search of) ... . 70 
Eleanor Lambert (The Storv 

of) '. II 

Electoral Refonn 62 

Elgivla, Daughter of the Thegn 16 
Eliot, George (True Story of) 2 
Elizabeth (Grandmother's ad- 
vice to) i6 

Elizabeth (Letters of her Mother 

to) 16 

Elizabeth of England (Prin- 
cess) Correspondence of.. . . 40 

Enchanted Castle (The) 84 

Enchanted Garden (An) 83 

Ending of My Day (The) 23 

England (Children's Study).. 83 
England (Bright Days in 

Merrie) 69 

England (Dawn of the iqth 

Century inl 47 

England (The Governance of) 63 
England (The Industrial His- 
tory of) 55 

England's Title in Ireland . . 64 

England (Mediaeval) 47 

England (Modem) 52 

England (The Monarchs of 

Merry) 48 

England (Parliamentary) 

(1660-1832) 51 

England (Socialist Movement 

in) 65 

England under the Coalition . . 48 

English Cathedrals 37 

English Cathedrals (Hand- 
book of) 37 

English China (Chats on) ... 35 
English Essays from a French 

Pen 33 

English Novel in the Time of 

Shakespeare (The) a 

English People (The) 33 

English People (Literary His- 
tory of the) 2 

English Public Opinion 50 

English Sports (Old) 86 

English Wayfaring Life 52 

Epistles of Atkins (The) 21 

Epoch in Irish History (An). . 53 
Escalades dans les Alps (Mes) 71 
Escapes of Latude and 

Casanova (The) 46 

Essays in Puritanism 79 

Essays Political and Bio- 
graphical 45 

Ethiopia in Exile 71 

Euphorion 33 

European Military Adventures 

of Hindustan 46 

European Relations 14 

Evans (Memoirs of Dr. 

Thomas) 40 

Evelyn Innes 21 

Every Day Life in Cape Colony 68 

Bve's Apple 13 

Evolutions of World and Man 74 
Expositions 77 

Fabian's Tower 19 

Face and How to Read it (The) 75 

Facing the Future 28 

Failure of Lord Curzon (The). 61 

Fair Maid of Perth (The) 26 

Fairy Tales (Irish) 83 

Fairy Tales from Brentano 

(New) 82 

Faith of a Modem Protestant 

(The) 77 

Falls of the Loder (The) 19 

Fanny Lambert 27 

Far East (Peoples and Politics 

in the) 71 


Far in the Forest 21 

Fast Miss Blount (That) 18 

Father Alphonsus 17 

Father Felix's Chronicles .. 12 

Father of Six (A) 23 

Feather (The) 83 

Female Ofifender (The) 34 

Fihbusters (The Story of the) 46 

Filigree BaU (The) 16 

Finality of Christian Religion 78 
Finn and His Companions .... 83 

Finnish Legends 83 

Fire to Fortune (Through) 8 

First Aid to the Injured 85 

First Fleet Family 11 

First Folio Shakespeare(The) 7 
First Novel Library (The) .... 15 

First Watch (In the) . . 14 

Fiscal Problem (The) 63 

Fiscal Reform Sixty Years 

Ago 66 

Fisher Book (The Harrison) . 35 

Fishes I Have Known 74 

Fishing in Ireland 85 

Fishing in Scotland 85 

Fishing (What I have Seen 

While) 75, 85 

Fitch (Ralph) 40 

Five Children and It 84 

Five Little',Peppers 84 

Five Talents of Women (The) 81 
Flame and the Flood (The) . . 19 

Flamma Vestalis 5 

Florence (The History of) . . . 58 

Flute oflPan (The) 17 

Foma Gordveeff 15 

Fool- KiUer (The) 12 

Fool's Tax (The) 12 

Football, Hockey, and Lacrosse 86 
For Better ? For Worse ? . . 34 

Forest Trees (Future) 76 

Fortunes of Nigel (The) 26 

Four Philanthropists (The) . . 18 
France (Children's Study). ... 83 
Franre (Journeys Through) . . 72 
France (Literary History of), i 

France (Mediaeval) 53 

France (Modem) 52 

Franks (The) 55 

Free Food and Free Trade .... 62 

French Ambassador (A) 52 

French Court (Dames and 

Daughters of the) 48 

French Court (Pictures of the 

Old) 47 

French Literature (Essays in) i 
French Literature (Manual of) i 
French Masters (Modem).... 35 
French Society (Heroines of) 47 

Frivola 18, 33 

Froissart (The Modem Chroni- 
cles of) 61 

Froissart in 1002-03-06 61 

From One Man's Hand to 

Another 11 

Fuller (Margaret) Love Let- 
ters of) 40 

Fumiss (Harry) at Home.... 36 
Furze Blossoms 19 

Gael and Gall (Bards of the) . . 3 
Gaelic Literature (Story of 

Early) 2, 87 

Game of Consequences (A) ... 19 
Gardening for the Million .... 82 

Genealogy of Morals (A) 34 

General's Daughter (The) .... 23 
Generation of a Norfolk House 

(One) 51 

Gentleman Upcott's Daughter 13 
German Education 76 


German-English Conversation 

Book 80 

German Love Soiigs (Old) . . 6 
Germany (Children's StuJy). . 83 
Germany (Story of the Na- 
tions) 47 

Germany (The Evolution of 

Modem)'' 68 

Ginette's Happiness 16 

Girlof the Multitude (A) 28 

Gladstone Colony (The) 62 

Gladstone (My Memory of). . . 40 

Glimpses into Plant Life 74 

God and the People 80 

God's Scourge 4 

Gods, Some Mortals, and 

Lord Wickenham 17 

God's Will 15 

Goethe's Werke 4 

Goethe (Life of) 40 

Gogmagogs (On the) 14 

Golden Sayings (The) 80 

Good Men and True 41 

Good Reading about Many 

Books 33 

Gordon (General) The Life of. 40 

Gospels of Anarchy 33 

Goths (The) 48 

Gould-en Treasury (The) . . 62 
Govemance of England (The) 63 
Governace of London (The) . 50 

Grain or Chaff 43 

Grand Old Hills (Under 

the) 19, 85 

Grand Relations 15 

Grandmother's Advice to 

Elizabeth 16 

Grattan (Henry) 49 

Great Minds at One 33 

Great Minds in Art 44 

Great Noodleshire Election . . 14 
Great Pillage (Before the) .... 51 

Greater Love (The) 26 

Greece (Story of the Nations) 55 

Greece (Old Tales from) 83 

Greek Anthology (A Chaplet 

from the) . . .' 4 

Greek Art (Introductory 

Studies in) 36 

Greek Sculptors (Ancient) .... 36 

Green Cloth Library 28 

Green Tea 26 

Grey Man (The) 13 

Guiana Wilds (In) 72 

Guy Mannering 26 

Gwilym (Dafydd ap) 2 

Haeckel, Ernst (Life of) 41 

Haileybury College 53 

Halls (The) 37 

Handbook of the Philippines. 73 
Handy-Man Afloat and Ashore 86 

Hansa Towns (The) 59 

Happy-go-Lucky Land 34 

Harvey (William) 41 

Haunts of Men (The) Z2 

Hawaii and Japan (Vacation 

Days in) 72 

Health at its Best v. Cancer 74 
Heara (Cencerning Lafcadio) 40 
Heart of the Empire (The) . . 62 

Heart of Midlothian (The) 26 

Heavy Laden 15 

Hebrew Lesson Book (A) 79 

Hebrew Life and Thought.. 50 

Heine's Werke 4 

Helen Adair 10 

Hellenism (The Progress of) . . 53 
von HelmhoUz (Hermann) . . 41 
Heraans' Welsh Melodies 

(Mrs.) 87 

Herb Moon (The) 17 

INDEX IN ORDER OF TlThHS.— continued. 

Herb of Love (The) 14 

Herbert (TheWorks of George) 87 

Hermit of Cannel (A) 7 

Heroic Adventure 42 

Heroic Tales 59, 85 

Herridge of Reality Swamp. 16 
He that had received the 

Five Talents 22 

High Life in the Far East . . 14 

High Tolicy 18 

Highland Sister's Promise. .. . 19 

Highland Widow 26 

Hill (Sir Rowland) 41 

Hillesden on the Moor 10 

Himalaya (In the IceWorld of) 73 

Historic Americans 79 

History in Scott's Novels .. i 
History of Co-operation 

(The) 62 

History of Jamaica 50 

History of the Holy Eucharist 77 

Holland S5 

Holland House (The Pope of) 43 
Home of the Dragon (The) ... 24 

Hon. Stanbury (The) 24 

Honour of the Flag (The) 251 

Hookey 20 

Horse (The) 33, 75 

Horse (Psychology and Train- 
ing of the) 75 

Hotel d'Angleterre (The) 14 

Hour Glass (The) 7 

House by the River (The) 28 

House of Arden (The) 84 

House of Commons (Inner 

Life of the) 66 

Housewife's What's What . . . 8i 
How to Arrange with your 

Creditors 86 

How to become a Commercial 

Traveller 86 

How to become a Private Secre- 
tary 86 

How to become a Teacher 77 

How to be Happy Though 

Married 81 

How to Buy a Business .... 85 

How to get Married 81 

How to Know the Starry 

Heavens 75 

How to Punctuate (Stops) .... 77 

How to Study the Stars 76 

Hugh Wynne 21 

Humours of Donegal (The) ... 20 
Humorous Rhymes of Histori- 
cal Times 53 

Hundred Riddles of the Fairy 

Bellaria 19 

Hundred Years Hence (A) . . . 34 
Hungary(Storyof theNations) 58 

Hungary: Its People 51 

Hungry Forties (The) 62 

Hunter (John) 41 

Husband of no Importance . . 25 

Ideas of Good and Evil 7 

Idle Hour Series (The ) i8 

Illustration of Books (The). . . 36 

Impossible Person (An) 13 

Impressions of a Wanderer. . 70 
Increase of the Suburbs (The) 63 
India (The Brahmans of) . . 79 

India (British) 50 

India (Buddhist) 49 

India (Cults of ) 79 

India (Imperial) 69 

India (Literary History of). .. i 

India, Mediaeval 52 

India (The Mystics, Ascetics, 

and Saints of 79 

India (" Prosperous " Brit- 
ish) 68 


India (Vedic) 55 

India (Winter) 72 

Indian Literature (Short His- 
tory of) I 

Industrial Influence of English 

Patftit System 64 

Industrial Depression (Cause 

of) 63 

Industrial History of England 64 
Industrial Rivers of the U.K. S6 
Inmates of my House and 

Garden 74 

Inner Life of the House of 

Commons 66 

Innocent of a Crime 32 

Insane Root (The) 23 

Inspiration and the Bible.... 78 

International {The) 87 

International Law 65 

Interpreters (The) 11 

Ipane (The) 68 

Iphigenia in Delphi 4 

Ireland (Children's Study) .. 83 
Ireland (England's Title in) . . 64 
Ireland (Story of the Nations) 52 

Ireland (History of) 49 

Ireland (Literary History of). 2 

Ireland (Love Songs of) 7 

Ireland (the Past History of). 54 
Ireland : The Patriotic Par- 
liament 49 

Ireland (Young) 49 

Irish Fairy Tales 83 

Irish History (A Review of) . . 50 
Irish Library (The New) 87 

Irish Literature into the Eng- 

Hsh Tongue 33 

Irish Literature (The Revival 

of) 33 

Irish Memories 54 

Irish Poems of Perceval Graves 4 
Irish Song Book (The) . . 36, 87 

Iron Gates (The) 17 

Irving (Sir Henrv) 41 

Isle of Man (The Story of the) . 53 

Is Liberty Asleep ? 60 

Italian Characters 39 

Italian Masters (Old) 37 

Italians (Lives of Great) 41 

Italv (Ancient) 54 

Italy (The Birth of Modern) . 53 

Italv (Modem) 54 

Italy (Studies in the i8th Cen- 
tury in) 52 

Italy (The Barbarian Inva- 
sions of ) 58 

I, Thou, and the Other One . . 9 
Ivanhoe 26 

Jamaica as It Is 71 

Jamaica (A History of) .... 50 

James Shervington 10 

Japan (Stcry of the Nations) . 54 
Japan (An Artist's Letters 

from) 69 

Japan, Our New Ally 72 

iapan (Present-Day) 68 
apan (The Real) 71 

Java, the Garden of the East . 72 
Jews (The) 50 

Jews under Roman Rule (The) 54 
ewish Literature (Short His- 
tory of) X 

Jilt's Journal (A) 25 

Job (The Original Poem of) . . 78 

John Jones, Curate 23 

John Sherman 32 

Johnson Club Papers 86 

Josephine's Troubles 15 

Journeys of Antonia (The) ... 14 

Julian the Apostate 41, 54 

J uvenile Offenders 34 


Juvenilia 33 

Kafir Stories 26 


ing, &c., in the) 67 

Karakorams and Kashmir ... 68 
Keene (Charles), The Work of 37 

Keith's Crime (Mrs.) 13 

Kenfig (Buried City of) 50 

Kenilworth 26 

Khotan(Sand-Buried Ruins of) 72 
King Leopold's Soliloquy. . 65 

King's Threshold (The) 7 

Kingdom of Twilight 25 

Kit Kennedy 13 

Kitty CosteUo 8 85 

Kolokotrones : Klepht and 

Warrior 46 

Kruger (Paul), The Memoirs of 41 
Labour and Other Questions 

in South Africa 69 

Labour ai d Protection 63 

Labour and Victory 41 

Labour Legislation 62 

Labour Movement (The) 62 

Labour Party (The) 64 

Lady from the Sea (The) ..... 5 

Lady Jean 50 

Lady Killer (The) 27 

Lady Mary of the Dark 

House 32, 87 

Lady Noggs, Peeress (The) 

18, 84, 87 

Lady's Honour (A) 11 

Lake of Palms (The) 14 

Lally of the Brigade 20 

Land of the Blue Gown (la 

the) 70 

Langland's Vision of Plowman 2 
Last Hours with Nature.... 75 
Last Mackenzie of Redcastle 19 
Last Step to Religious Equality 

(The) 77 

Latter-day Sweethearts .... 16 

Laura's Legacy 27 

Laurenson (Arthur) The Me- 
moirs of 41 

Law of God (The) 79 

Lays of the Red Branch ..14, 87 

Leader of Society (A) 47 

Leaders of Men 43 

Lear (Letters of Edward) ... 41 
Leaves from the Life of an 

Eminent Fossil 11 

Legend of Montrose (The). .. . 26 

Legend of St. Mark (The) 82 

Legions of the Dawn (The). 25 

Leithay's Banks (On) 19 

Leopontine Alps (The) 67 

Leaser's Daughter 14 

Lessons from the World .... 79 
Letters of Her Mother to Eliza- 
beth 28 

Lewell Pastures rg 

Library of Literary History 2 

Life and To-morrow 17 

Life in a Crack Regiment 26 

Life in the Open 71 

Life in Two Hemispheres (My) \ 

(Duffy) 40 

Life of an Empire ( The) 63 

Life of Man on the High Alps . . 70 

Life of Christ (The) 77 

Light Eternal (The) 25 

Lilac Sunbonnet (The) 13 

Lincoln (Abraham) 42 

Lindsay o' the Dale (A) .... 16 
Links in My Life (Gambler) . 40 

Lion's Whelp (The) 9 

Literary History of America 3 
Literary History of France. . . x 
Literary History of India (A), i 


Literary History of Ireland (A) 2 
Literary History of Persia (A). I 
Literature History of Rome, i 
Literary History of Russia., i 
Literary History of Scotland 2 
Literary History of the 

Adelphi(The) 48 

Literary History of the Arabs 3 
Literary History of the Eng- 
lish People (A) 2 

Literary Influence in British 

History i 

Literary Life (My) (Mme. 

Adam) 38 

Literary " U " Pen (The) 87 

Lithography and Lithograph- 
ers 36 

Little Entertainments 22 

Little Glass Man (The) 83 

Little Indabas 7° 

Little Novels 20 

Lives Worth LivingSeries(The) 42 

Living Buddha (The) 18 

Living Matter (Nature and 

Origin of) 74 

Liza of Lambeth 2 1 

Locum Tenens (The) 32 

^°r^I.^«^h^v^^^ ^" ^'^''^' .fijMemoirsofCharles Boner (The) 19 

Liard^CoTm'un;s-(TheV- 1^ ! ^'emoirs of ConstanUne Dix .1 


Manors of Suffolk (The) 49 

Maps of the Alps of the Dau- 

phiny 67 

Margaret Foster 26 

Margaret Grey 9 

Margaret Hetherton 85 

Marguerite de Roberval 21 

Mariana 4 

Marionettes (The) 6 

Marozia 16 

Marriage by Capture (A) 11 

Marriage deConvenance (A). . 18 

Marsena 15 

Master Mariner, A : Eastwick 46 

Master Missionaries 41 

Master Passions 16 

Masters of Medicine 42 

Match-Making Mother (The 

Confessions of) 14 

Mating of a Dove (The) 20 

Matrimonial Institutions (A 

Historv of) 51 

Matterhom (The) 71 

Mawkin of the Flow (The) 16 

Meadowsweet and Rue 17 

Mf and Myn 13 

Media, Babylon, and Persia . . 55 

Melpomene Papers (The) .... 15 

Lombard Studies 

Memoirs of Dr. Thomas Evans 40 

r^T^n .f i.^^ni So I Mental Traits of Sex (The) . . 76 

London at School 80 h,,„,.„^;,k (xr^„„ic ^t rio„™> ' 

London (The Governance of) 50 

London Lovers 9 

London Plane Tree (A) 5 

Lonely Way (The) 3 

Long Vigil (The) 27 

Lord Maskelvne's Daughter 19 

Lost Heir (The) 16, 85 

Lost Land (The) 14 

Love Affairs of Some Famous 

Men 41 

Love and the Soul Hunters. . . 17 

Love Cure (A) 28 

Love is not so Light 13 

Love in the Lists 21 

Love Letters of Margaret Ful- 
ler 40 

Love Songs of Ireland 7 

Love Songs of Robert Burns . . 3 

Meredith (Novels of George) 

Mermaid Sieries (The ) 5 

Messianic Hope (The) 79 

Mexico 50 

Mexico (S. A. Series) 68 

Mid Pleasures and Palaces.. 19 

Mimi's Marriage 21 

Millionaire (The) 28 

Millionaire's Courtship (A). . 20 

Milly and Oily 85 

Minister's Experience (A) . . 79 

Minister's Guest (The) 26 

Minor Poet (A) 5 

Mirabeau the Demi-God. .44, 58 

Miri^io 6 

Miriam's Schooling 25 

Mischief of a Glove (The) .... 13 
Miserrima 22 

Love Triumphant 21, 85 ! Mis-rule of .Three (The) 2S 

Lucas Malet Birthday Book. . 32 | Missing Friends 46 

Lucie and 1 13 [ Mister Bill : A Man 20 

Luncheons 82 Mistress of Langdale Hall. 19, 85 

Lyrics (M. F. Robinson) 6 

M.A.B 87 

Mabinogion (The) 20, 87 

Mabinogion (Tales from the) . . 83 
Machiavelli, Niccolo (Life 

of) 42 

Madagascar (Robert Drury).. 46 
Madagascar before the Con- 
quest 72 

Mademoiselle Ixe 3:4 

Mad Sir Uchtred 13 

Magic Oak Tree (The) 83 

Magic of the Pine Woods 19 

Maid of Maiden-lane (The). .. . 9 

Mai tland (Sir Thomas) 42 

Major Weir 21 

Makar's Dream 19 

Making of a Saint (The) 21 

Man and Maid 22 

Man-Eaters (Among the) 68 

Man in the Street (The) 12 

Man's Love (A) 27 

Man's Mind (In a) 32 

Man who was Afraid (The) ... 15 

Manners for Girls 81 

Manners makyth Men 81 

Model. Factories 63 


Modern Monarch (A) 20 

Modern Travel Series (The ) . 70 

Moff 28 

Moffat, Robert and Mary 

(Lives of) 42 

Molly Darling i8 

Monarch Series (The) 53 

Monarchs of Merry England 

(The) 48 

Monastery (The) 26 

Monism (Concepts of) 80 

Monsieur Paulot 18 

Mont Blanc (The Chain of ) . . . 67 

Moonlight ao 

MocrandFell(By) 27,72 

Moors, Crags of the High Peak 66 

Moors in Spain (Thej 52 

More about Wild Nature 74 

Mother, Baby, and Nursery.. 82 

Mother Goose (The True) 84 

Motherhood 28 

Mother of Pauline (The) 28 

Motor Car (The) 85 

Motor Cars 86 


Motor Cracksman (The) is 

Motorists' ABC 85 

Mountain Adventure (True 

Tales of) 69 

Mountaineers (Early) 68 

Mountaineering in the Land 

of the Midnight Sun .... 70 
Mountaineering in the Sierra 

Nevada 69 

Municipal Government in Con- 
tinental Europe 65 

Municipal Government in 

Great Britain 65 

Municipal Lessons from S. 

Germany 63 

Musical Composers (Famous). 42 

Mutineer (The) 11 

My Home in the Shires .... 19 
My Lady's Garden (In) .... 76 

Myra of the Pines 32 

Mysterious Psychic Forces . . 75 
Mystery of Laughlin Islands ii 
Mystery of Muncraig (The). . . 22 

Mystery of Sleep (The) 33 

Mystery of theCampagna (A). 14 
Mvstics, Ascetics and Saints of 
India (The) 79 

Nancy Noon _ . 27 

Naomi's Exodus 21 

Napoleon's Court (A Queen of) 47 
Napoleon's Last Voyages . . 42 

Natal (Tales from) 73 

National Cook Book 81 

National Credit 62 

National Finance 59 

National Finance, 1908 50 

National Liberal Federation 

(The) 66 

Native Wife (His) 10 

Naturalist (Life and Thoughts 

of a) 38 

Naturalist (Recreations of a) 75 

Naturalist (Travels of a) 75 

Nature and Origin of Living 

Matter 74 

Nature and Purpose in the 

Universe 76 

Nature Studies 76 

Nature's Story of the Year ... 77 
Near East (Trave.s and Politics 

in the) 70 

Need and Use of Irish Litera- 
ture 33 

Ne'er-do-Weel (A) 12 

Negro-Nobodies 70 

Neighbours 14 

Nero, and other Plays 6 

New Arcadia (The) 6 

New Chronicles of Don Q. .. 23 

New Egypt (The) 66 

New England Cactus (A) 18 

New Guinea (Through) 73 

Newspaper Making (The Art 

of) 85 

New Spirit of the Nation 

(The) 34, 87 

New Zealand Alps (Climbs in 

the) 68 

Nietzsche : His Life and 

Work 34 

Nietzsche (The Philosophy of 

Friedrich) 34 

Nine UnUkely Tales 84 

Noble Haul (A) 25 

No Place for Repentance .... 22 
Norfolk and Suffolk Coast 

(The) 68 

Norman-Neruda (The Climbs 

of) 71 

Normans (The) 51 


Norway 48 Personal Matters (Certain) 

Nun-Ensign (The) 37 ~ ' ' - - -- 

Nutcracker and Mouse King 83 
Nyria 23 

Of Una 6 

Old Bailey 50 

Old Brown's Cottages 27 

Old Hall (The) 19 

Old Man's Darling (An) 12 

Old Mortality 26 

Old Tales from Greece 83 

Old Tales from Rome 85 

Old Time Aldwych 50 

Old Time and New 44 

Olive in Italy 14 

Omnibus, De 22, 87 

Once Upon a Time 83 

O'Neill, Owen Roe 43, 87 

Only a Kitten 84 

Opportunity of Liberalism . . 65 
Oriental Campaigns and Euro- 
pean Furloughs 42 

Orientations 21 

Original Poem of Job (The) . . 78 

Ottilie 19 

Outcast of the Islands (An) ... 13 

Outcasts (The) 15 

Outlaws of the Marches 16 

Overseas Library (The) 74 

Pacific Tales 10 

.. 32 

Personal Story of the Upper 

House. (The) 45 

Peru 68 

Peter Halket (Trooper) 26 

Peveril of the Peak 26 

Philippine Islands (The).... 68 
Phoenix and the Carpet (The) 84 

Philosopher in Portugal 72 

Phoenicia 55 

Physiology(Studies in General) 75 

Pillage (Before the Great) 51 

Pinto, Ferd. Mendez, the Portu- 
guese Adventurer 46 

Pirate (The) z6 

Place of Animals in Human 

Thought 34 

Plant Histology (Methods in) 75 

Plato's Dream of Wheels 34 

Play-Actress (The) 13 

Plays of Beaumont, &c., see 
Index of Authors 

Please M'm, the Butcher ! 81 

Poems of Mathilde BUnd (A 

Selection from) 3 

Poems of Mathilde Bhnd'(The 

complete) 3 

Poems of Giosn6 Carducci.. 4! 
Poems of William Cowper 

(The Unpublished) 4 

Poems of John Dyer (The) ... 4 
Poems of M. F. Robinson (The i 
Collected) 6 


Queen of a Day (The) .... 15 

Queen of Napoleon's Court (A) 47 

Quentin Durward 26 

Quests of Paul Beck (The)., xi 

Quiet Hours with Nature .... 74 

Quincy Adams Sawyer 22 

Quotations for Occasions 82 

Raffles (Sir Stamford) 43 

Raiders (The) 13 

Rainy June (A) 22 

Raleigh (Sir Walter) 4, 43 

Ranch Life and the Hunting 

Trail 72 

Random Roaming 51 

Ranger's Lodge (The) ...... 19 

Recipes for the MilUon 82 

Recreations of a Naturalist . . 75 
Red Cloth Library (The) 30 

Pagan's Love (A) r, ^"^"^^ (W. B. Yeats) 7 

i-agan S LOve (A) . 13 p . , pengione fThel ,S 

Pages from a Journal 25 

Pain : Its Causation 76 

Painter's Honeymoon (A) 26 

Palaces of Crete (The) 36 

Panama Canal To-day (The). 67 

Papacy (The) 78 

Papal Monarchy (The) 47 

Paradise Court 15 

Paris (Forty Years of) 52 

Parish Providence (A) 20, 87 

Paris-Parisien 7 

Parker, Dr., and his Friends.. 43 

Parnell Movement (The) 54 


Particular Book of Trinity 

College (The) 53 

Party Organisation 63 

Passion of Mahael (The) 11 

Passports 8 

Pathless West (In the) 69 

Patriot Parliament of 1689 

(The) 49, 87 

Patriotism under three Flags. 63 

Patsy 27 

Patten Experiment (The) ... 20 

Pax and Carolina 82, 83 

PecuUar History of Mary Ann 

Susan (The) n 

Peers or People 65 

Peking Garden (Round About 

My) 70 

Penelope Brandling 19 

Pennine Alps (Central) 67 

Pennine Alps (Eastern) 67 

Pen Portraits of the British 

Soldier 16 

Pentamerone (The) 82 

People of Clopton 10 

Peoples and Politics in the 

Far East 71 

Perceval (Spencer) 00 

Peril of Change (In) -7,1 

Peril in Natal (The) 61 

Perils of Josephine (The) .... i6 

Perils of Sympathy (The) 27 

Persia 47 

Persia (Literary History of ) . . i 

! Poet and Penelope (The) 28 

j Poland 54 

; Policy of Free Imports (The) . 61 

Political Advertiser (The) 61 

Political Crime 34 

Political Parables 60 

Pohtical Situation (The) 65 

Pope of Holland House (The) 43 

Pope's Mule (The) 82 

Popular Copyr ight Novels . . 23 

Port Arthur (Siege of) 51 

Portent (The) '20 

Porter, Endymion (Life and 

Letters of) 43 

Portraits of the Sixties 42 

Portugal 55 

Portugal (A Philosopher in) . . 72 
Power of Charactor (The) . . 78 
Prayers, Poems and Parables 79 
Prince's Marriage (The).... 32 
Prisoners of Conscience .... 9, 85 
Prison Escapes of the Civil 

War 46 

Problem of Existence (The) . . 34 
Problem of Prejudice (The) . . 12 
Process of Government (The) 59 

Professions for Girls 85 

Programme of Modernism 


Progress of Hellenism (The) . 
Progress of PriscilJa (The) .... 
" Prosperous " British India. 
Protection and Employment . 
Protection (Side-Lights on) . . 
Provence( Roman tic Cities of) 67 
Proverbs, Maxims, &c., of all 

Ages 33 

Psalms and Litanies 80 

Pseudonym Library (The) 23, 24 

Psychology and Training of 
the Horse 75 

Psychology of Child Develop- 
ment (The) 78 

Public Purse and the War 
Office 59 

Public Speaking and De- 
bate 62, 86 

Redgaun tlet 26 

Red Laugh 8 

Red-litten Windows (Through 

the) 16 

Red Rubber 63 

Red Sphinx (The) 32 

Red Star (The) 20 

Reef and Palm (By) 10 

Reformer's Bookshelf (The) . . 64 
ReHgion and the Higher Life 78 
Religion and Historic Faiths 79 
Religion of the Plain Man.. 77 
Religious Songs of Connachtj, 78 
Religious Equality (The Last 

Step to) 77 

Renaissance Types 52 

Renunciation 27 

Retaliatory Duties 61 

Retrospect 6 

Revelation and the Bible 78 

Revolution in Tanner's Lane 25 

Rhodesia (Pre-Historic) 68 

Rhymer (The) 20 

Ricrof t of Withens 27 

Ridan the Devil 10 

Riding, Driving, and kindred 

Sports 86 

Rights of Man in America . . 79 
Riviera (Rambles on the) .... 72 

Riviera (The) 70 

Robert Orange 17 

Robinson Crusoe 82, 83 

Rob Roy 26 

Rock and Pool (By) 10 

Rock Garden of Ours (That) 75 
Rodin (Life and Work of 

Auguste) 36 

Rodman the Boatsteerer .... 10 
Romance of theFountain(Thc) 19 
Romance of a Hill Station ... 19 
Romance of a King's Life. . . 52 
Romance of a Lonely Woman 22 
Romance of a Midshipman . . 25 

Roman Empire (The) 51 

Roman Life under the Caesars. 58 

Rome (Children's Study) 83 

Rome (Story of theNations) . 50 

Rome and Pompeii 66 

Rome (Literary History of) i 

Rome (Mediaeval) 53 

Rome (Old Tales from). .. .59, 85 

Romola 68 

Rose Geranium (The) 12 

Rose, Shamrock and Thistle 19 

Rosemonde 27 

Rossetti (Dante Gabriel) 

(Letters of) 43 

Rousing of Mrs. Potter (The). 22 

Royal Quartette (A) 47 

Royal Rascal (A) 16 

Rus Divinum 3 

Russia 54 

INDEX IN ORDER OF TITLES.— con//»tterf. 


Russia and its Crisis 63 I Shervintons (The) 44 

Russia (Literary History of) . . i ; Sherwood Forest (The Scenery 
Russia Under the Great of) 71 

Shadow 05, 73 

Russian Priest (A) 23 

Rutherford, Mark (The Auto- 
biography of) 25 

Rutherford's Deliverance 25 

Sacrifice (The) 13 

SaghaUen Convict (The) 19 

Saints in Society Q 

St. Mark (The Legend of) 82 

St. Mark's Indebtedness to St. 

Matthew 77 

St. Ronan's Well 26 

St. Stephen in the Fifties . . 59 

Samhain 34 

Sand-Buried Ruins of Khotan 72 
Sanitary Evolution of London 

(The) 62 

Shilling Reprints of Standard 

Novels 31, 87 

Shipp (Memoirs of the Mili- 
tary Career of John) 46 

Shorter Plays 7 

Shulamite (The) 8, 87 

Siberia , 73 

Siberian Klondyke (In Search 

of a) 73 

Sicily 50 

Side-Lights on Protection . . 65 


South American Republics 

(Rise of the) 49 

South American Series (The) . 72 

Spain (Children's Study) 83 

Spain (Story of the Nations). 58 

Spain and her People 73 

Spain (The Bridle Roads of) 67 

Spain (Modem) 51 

Spain (The Moors in) 52 

Spain (Saunterings in) 72 

Specimen Spinster (A) 32 

Spectre of Strathannan (The) 22 
Speeches on Questions of Pub- 
lic Policy 60 

Siege of Port Arthur (The) . . '. 51 iPl^^f-SV ^^°,[\ ^'^^®' ' ' ^^ 

Splendid Cousin (A) 14 

Spoiled Priest (A) 26 

Sport and Travel : Abyssinia 

and British East Africa 69 

Sports Library (The) 86 

Squire Hellman 

Siena (Guide to) 69 

Siena and her Artists 37 

Sierra Nevada (Mountaineer- 
ing in the) 69 

Sign of the Peacock (At the) 261 

Silas Strong 9 I 

c,i.i"^' i'tiIIC en i Silk of the Kine 20 Squire to Prince (From) 49 

Saracens u nej o , g.^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^1^ ^^ Stansfeld (James) 44 

Sir^field rPatrickWLife of) 4V 87 Silver Christ (The) 22 Starry Heavens (How to 

Savaef Club (T^^^^^ 45 Simon Ryan the Peterite 18 Know the) 75 

SavaleEurooe (Through) ■■ 73 Simpson (Sir James Y.) 44 Stars of Destiny. 28 

savage turope u nrougnj ._. 73 Sinner's-Comedy (The) 17 1 Stem of the Crimson Dahlia 

Sins and Safeguards (The) . . 79 (The) 

Girolamo (Life 



c„oIli;r,V,r;^n' nM«'tiAn " 'iTh,^\ fie Siren's Net (The) ....... 25 • Stephen Kyrle 

l^?^^?s^,fr.S»f rEn<.?an'd 'l Sister of M^rie Antoinette(A) 47 I Stic'kit Minister (The) 

Schiller's Dramas in England 3 

Schiller's Werke 7 

School for Saints (The) 17 

School of Art (The) 27 

School Out-of-Doors (Our) ... 79 
Schulz Steam Turbine (The) 85 
Scott's Novels (History in) . . i 
Scotland (Children's Study) . . 83 
Scotland (Story of the Na- 
tions) S3 

Scotland (Literary History of) 2 
Scottish Literature (Short His- 
tory of) 2 

Scottish Seals (History of) 47 

Scrambles in the Eastern 

Graians 73 

Sea and the Moor (The) 19 

Sister Teresa 22 

Sisters of Napoleon (The) . . 58 

Sisters of Omberslcigh 19 

Situations of Lady Patricia.. 28 

Six Girls 18, 85 

Sixpenny Editions. 31 

Sixty Years of an Agitator's 

Life 41, 62 

Skipsey (Joseph) 45 

Slave Power (The) 79 

Slave to College President 

(From) 45 

Sleeping Fires 15 

Slight Indiscretion (A) 12 

Smith and Modern Sociology 

(Adam) 6s 

Sea Children 83 | Smugglers and Foresters . . ig 

Search of El Dorado (In) . . 70 | Social Classes in a Republic. 79 

Searchers (The) n j Social Ideas of Alfred Tenny- 

Secret History ofthe English ] son 33 

Occupation of Egypt 48 

Secret of Petrarch (The) 2 

Secret Rose (The) 7 

Secret of the Sargasso (The) . 84 

Segantini (Giovanni) 37 

Segovia (Pablo de) 37 

Seneca (Tragedies of) 6 

Sentinel of Wessex (The) 32 

Seven Nights in a Gondola . 12 
Seven Splendid Sinners .... 58 
Seventeenth Century Men of 

Latitude 78 

Sex and Society 34 

Shacklett 10 

Shadowy Waters (The) 7 

Shakespeare in France 2 

Shakespeare the Man 3 

Shakespeare's Church 35 

Shakespeare's Complete Son- 
nets 7 

Shakespeare Studied in Eight 

Pla)^ I 

Shakespeare Studied in Six 

Plays I 

Shakespeare Studied in Three 

Plays I 

Shartieless Wayne 27 

She Loved Much ir 

Shelley in Italy (With) 70 

Shen's Pigtail (The) 24 

Social Message of the Modern 

Pulpit 60 

Social Reform (Towards) 59 

Socialist Movement.inEngland 65 
Society in a Country House . . 49 

Society in the New Reign 34 

Society of To-morrow (The) . . 63 

Sociology (General) 65 

Some Emotions and a Moral. . 17 

Somerset House 54 

Son of Arvon (A) 23 

Sonof Don Juan (The) 4 

Song of a Single Note (A) ... 9 

Songs of a Sourdough 7 

Songs of the Uplands 5 

Sorrow's Gates (Through) . ... 27 

Soul of a Priest (The) 20 

Soul's Departure (The) 7 

Souls of Passage 9 

South Africa (Story of the 

Nations) 57 

South Africa (Big Game Shoot- 
ing) 6S 

South Africa (Fifty Years of 


Stokes (WiUiam) 44 

Stolen Waters 12 

Stops, or, How to Punctuate. . 77 
Stories from Fairyland .... 82, 83 
Story of the Amulet (The) . . 84 
Story of a Crystal Heart(The) 23 
Story of a Devonshire House 39, 49 
Story of an Estancia (The) . . 13 
Story of a Puppet (The) ...82, 83 
Story of My Struggles (Vam- 

bery) 44 

Story of the Nations (The ) 56, 57 
Stray Thoughts of R. Wil- 
liams 80 

Stronger than Love 8 

Stuarts (The) 50 

Studies by a Recluse 51 

Studies Historical and Critical 58 

Studies in Biography 45 

Studies in Black and White. . 86 
Studies in Genera! Physiology 75 

Study in Colour (A) 27 

Study of Temptations (A) 17 

Suburbs (The Increase of the) 63 

Suffolk (The Manors of) 49 

Sullivan (Barry) 44 

Summer Shade (In) 21, 87 

Sunny Days of Youth (The).. 81 

Supreme Moment (A) 27 

Surgeon's Daughter (The) 26 

Susannah 20 

Swanwick (Anna) 44 

Sweden's Rights 65 

Swift, Dean (Unpublished 

Letters of) 44 

Swift in. Ireland 44. 87 

Swiss Democracy (The) 63 

Switzerland 51 

Sword and Pen (With) 18 

Sydenham (Thomas) 44 

Sylvia in Society 11 

Tale of a Town (The) 21 

Tales about Temperaments . . 17 

the History of) 58 i Tales from Natal 72 

South Africa, Labour and 

Other Questions 69 

South Africa (Little History of) 57 
South African History (The 

Tales from Plutarch 2^, 84 

Tales from Spenser 84 

Tales of John Oliver Hobbes 17 
Tales of the Pampas 67 

Beginning of) 57 j Tales of tiie- Transvaal 72 

INDEX IN ORDER OF TlTli^S.— continued. 


T:)1p« o{ Unrest 13 

Ta'cs told in the Zoo 84 

Talisman (The) 26 

Talks about the Border Regi- 
ment 85 

Taxes on Knowledge 60 

Teacher and the Child (The) . . 79 

Temple (The) 4, 78 

Tempting of Paul Chester 

(The) 8 

Ten Sermons 79 

Tenants of Beldomie (The) . . 19 
Terror of the Macdurghotts 

(The) 22 

Tessa ti 

That Girl 28,84 

Theism and Atheism 79 

They Twain 25 

Third Experiment (The) 19 

Thomas Atkins (Mr.) 16,87 

Thousand Pities (A) 28 

Three Dukes 32 

Three Generations of English- 
women 43 

Three of Them 15 

Threshing Floor (The) 13 

Thursday Mornings at the 

City Temple 77 

Thus Spake Zarathustra 34 

Thyra Varrick 10 

Tibet and Chinese Turkestan 68 
Tibet (Through Unknown)... 73 

Todi (The Range of the) 67 

Tom Gerrard 11 

Tongues of Gossip 26 

Tormentor (The) 27 

Tourgueneff and his French 

Circle 44 

Towards the Heights 80 

Towards Social Reform 59 

Town and Jungle (Through). . 73 

Town Child (The) 60 

Toxin 22 

Traitor's Wife (The) 32 

Tramps Round the Mountains 

of the Moon 69 

Transient andPermanent(The) 79 

Transplanted Daughters 16 

Transvaal (First Annexation 

of the) 52 

Transvaal (Tales of the) 72 

Travels of a Naturalist 75 

Treasure Seekers (The) 84 

Treasure Seekers (New) 84 

Trend in Higher Education . . 78 

Trinity Bells 10 

Trinity College (Particular 

Book of) 53 

Triple Entanglement (A) .... 16 

Trooper Peter Halket 26 

Tropic Skies (Under) 11 

True Tales of Mountain Ad- 
venture 69 

Turbines (Steam) 85 

Turf Smoke (Through the) ... 20 

Turkey 52 

Turkey and the Armenian 

Atrocities 47 

Tuscan Republics, with Genoa 49 

Tussock Land 8 

Twelve Bad Men (Lives of ) . . . 43 

Twelve Bad Women 45 

Two Countesses (The) 14 

Two Standards (The) 10 

Two Strangers (The) 


Tychiades 14 

Uganda to Khartoum 70 

Ultima Verba 3 

Uncle Jem 32 

Under the Chilterns 24 

Under the Pompadour 18 

U.S.A. and Spanish America 

(Diplomatic Relations of) . . 52 
University Problems in the 

U.S.A 78 

Unprofessional Tales 22 

Unfilled Field (The) 22 

Unwin's Green Cloth Library 28 


Well-Sinkers (The) 71 

Welsh Fairy Book (The) 84 

Welsh Library (The) 87 

Unwin's Red Cloth Library . . 30 
Unwin's Sixpenny Ed itions . . 31 
Unwin's Half-Crown Standard 

Library of History and 

Biography 45 

Unwin's Nature Books .... 76 

Unwin's Popular Series for 
Boys and Girls 85 

Unwins Shi lling Reprints of 
Standard Novels 31, 87 

Unwins Theological Library 80 

Up from the Slums 19 

Upper Berth (The) 13 

Uprising of the Many (The).. 64 
Up-to-Date Beginner's Table 

Book 79 

Up-to-date-Tables (Weights, 

&c.) 79 

Vagrant Songs 6 

Valois Queens (Lives and Times 

of the Early) 47 

Value and Distribution 61 

Vamb6ry (Arminius) His Life 44 

Vani ty 25 

Vanity Fair (In) 11 

Variety Stage 37 

Vaughan (Henry) 87 

Vedic India 55 

Veldt and Kopje (By) 26 

Venice 59 

Village Politician (A) 60 

Vineyard (The) 17 

Vocations for Our Sons 86 

Vulture's Prey (The) 27 

Wagner (The Case of) 34 

Wakefield (Edward Gibbon). . 45 

Wales (Story of the Nations) . . 49 

Wales (A Short Story of) 49 

Wales (Mediaeval) 52 

Wales (The Statutes of) 59 

Wanderer (A), and Other 

Poems 5 

Wander Years Round the 

World 71 

Warp and Woof 5 

War to Date (The) 55 

Washed by Four Seas 73 

Washington Society (Forty 

Years of) 44 

Washington (The Youth of) . . 45 

Was it Right to Forgive ? . . . . 10 

Watcher on the Tower 16 

Waterloo (Before and After) . 55 

Waverley 26 

Way to Keep Well (The) 82 

Ways of Men (The) 15 

Wellington's Operations 1808- 

1814 48 

Welsh Literature (Short His- 
tory of) 87 

Welsh People (Tlie) ........ 58 

Wer Ist's 86 

Wesley and his Preachers .... 45 
West African Empire (The 

Advance of Our) 73 

West Indies and the Spanish 

Main 55 

West Indies (A Guide to). .. . 71 
Westminster Cathedral (The) 37 
What I Have Seen While 

Fishing 75. 85 

What is Religion ? 77 

When Wheat is Green 32 

Where There is Nothing 7 

Which is Absurd ; . 16 

White-Headed Boy (The) 10 

White Umbrella (A) 26 

White Woman in Central Africa 67 
Who's Who in Germany.... 86 

Why not, Sweetheart ? i6 

Wide Dominion (A) 66 

Wilberforce (W^m.) (Private 

Papers of) 45 

Wild Honey from Various 

Thyme i 

Wild Life in Southern Seas ... 14 
Wild Nature Won by Kindness 75 

Willowdene Will 27 

Winning Hazard (A) 8 

Winter India 72 

Wisdom of Esau (The) 12 

Wisdom of the Wise (The) .... 4 
Wise Words and Loving 

Deeds 40 

Wistons 8 

Wit of the Wild (The) 75 

Within Four Walls 7 

Wizard's Knot (The) 10 

Woman (The) 15 

Woman and the Sword (The) 20 
Woman's Own Lawyer(Every) 82 
Woman's Suffrage (The Case 

for) 65 

Woman's Wanderings (A) .... 40 
Woman's Work and Wages . . 60 
Woman Thou Gavest (The) . . 28 
Woman Who Vowed (The) . . 16 
Women Adventurers (The) . . 46 

Wonderful Weans 20 

Woodlanders and Field Folk . 77 

Woodstock 26 

Wordsworth's Grave 7 

Working of the Workman's 

Compensation Act 59 

World at Eighteen (The) ... 13 

World is Round (The) 20 

Worid of Matter (The) 79 

Would-be-goods (The) 84 

Wreckers (The) 19 

Yam of Old Harbour Town . . 25 

Yellow Fiend (The) 8 

Yellow Librap.' (The) 32 

Yorke the .'\dventurer 11 

Yorkshire Ramblers' Club 

Journal 73 

j Young Ireland 49 

! Young Sam and Sabina 13 



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13 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sec— continued. 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &.G.— continued. 14 

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15 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &.Q.— continued. 

FiRST NOVEL LIBRARY, THE. First Novels of New Authors. 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &q.— continued. i6 

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l^ NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sea.— continued. 

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19 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sec— continued. 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &.G.— continued. 

Letters of Her Mother to Elizabeth. See under Trowbridge. 

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21 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sco.—conUnucd, 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sea.— continued. 

MOORE. Sister Teresa. A Novel. By George Moore. (Unwin's 

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OLIPHANT (Mrs.). The Two Strangers. See Autonym Library. 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &.O.— continued. 

de POLEN. Clairice: The Story of a Crystal Heart. 

Luciende Polen. Cr. 8vo, cloth. 

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cloth gilt. 


Brown, V.C. 

Stronger than Love. 

Through Fire to Fortune. 

A Winning Hazard. 

I, Thou, & the Other One. 

Prisoners of Conscience. 

Was it Right to Forgive? 

By Reef & Palm, 

The Strange Adventures 
of James Shervington. 

Tessa and The Trader's 

Effie Hetherington. 

The Play Actress and 
Mad Sir Uchtred. 

The Stickit Minister. 

Half Round the World for 
a Husband. 

NOVELS. Cheap re-issue. In 

cr. 8vo, 




FRENCH (H. W.), : ,u sriT 
Desmonde, M.D. ., Itj 


Ginette's Happiness. 

The Herb-Moon. ^'^^^^^ 

McMANUS (L.). 

Lally of the Brigade. 

^^^? D • r njGPfcM .TiaesM 
A Rainy June. 

RITA. ' '-"^^323H 

The Ending of My Dd^/^^^^H 
Vanity 1 The Confessions 
of a Court Modiste. 

The Romance of a Mid- ; 


TUS). .^ .,,7 " 

Margaret Forster.^, ^.^;-.n,^ 
SCHREINER (OLIVE). ' " '" '"'' 
Trooper Peter Halket. 

POTAPENKO (J.). Russian Priest. See Pseudonym Library. No. 7. 

• General's Daughter. See Pseudonym Library. No. 17. 

• Father of Six. See Pseudonym Library. No. 26. 

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Nyria. By Mrs, Campbell Praed. 

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(i) Mademoiselle Ixe. By 
Lanoe Falconer. 

(2) The Story of Eleanor 
Lambert. By Magdalene 

(3) A Mystery of the Cam- 
pagna. By von Degen. 

(4) The School of Art. By 
Isabel Snow. 

(5) Amaryllis. By Georgios 

(6) The Hotel d' Angleterre. 
By Lanoe Falconer. 

(7) A Russian Priest. By 
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by W. Gaussen. 

(8) Some Emotions and a 
Moral. By John Oliver 

(9) European Relations, A 
Tirolese Sketch, By Tal- 
mage Dalin. 


NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, ScG.— continued. 



10) John Sherman, & Dhoya. 
By Ganconagh (W.B.Yeats). 

11) Through the Red-Litten 
Windows. By Theodor 

12) Green Tea. A Love Story. 
By V. Schallenberger. 

13) Heavy Laden, and Old 
Fashioned Folk. By Use 
Frapan. Translated by Helen 
A. Macdonell. 

14) Makar's Dream, and Other 
Russian Stories. By V. 
Korolenko, and Others. 

15) A New England Cactus. 
By Frank Pope Humphrey. 

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Georgios Drosines. Trans- 
lated by Eliz. M. Edmonds. 

17) The General's Daughter. 
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by W. Gaussen. 

18) The Saghalien Convict, 
and Other Russian Stor- 
ies. By V. Korolenko, and 

19) Gentleman Upcott's Daugh- 
ter. By Tom Cobbleigh. 

20) A Splendid Cousin. By 
Mrs. Andrew Dean. 

21) Colette. By Philippe St. 

22) Ottilie. By Vernon Lee. 

23) A Study in Temptations. 
By John Oliver Hobbes. 

24) The Cruise of the "Wild 
Duck." By Holger Drach- 

25) Squire Hellman, and 
Other Finnish Stories. 
By Juhani Aho. Translated 
by R. Nisbert Bain. 

26) A Father of Six, and An 
Occasional Holiday. By 
J. Potapenko. Translated 
by W. Gaussen. 

27) The Two Countesses. 
By Marie von Ebner- 
Eschenbach. Translated by 
Mrs. Waugh. 

28) The Sinner's Comedy. By 
John Oliver Hobbes. 

29) Cavalleria Rusticana, and 
Other Tales of Sicilian 
Peasant Life. By Gio- 
vanni Verga. Translated 
by Alma Strettell. 

(30) The Passing of a Mood, 
and Other Stories. By 
V. O. C. S. 

(31) God's Will, and Other 
Stories. By Use Frapan. 
Translated by Helen A. 

(32) Dream Life and Real Life. 
By Ralph Iron (Olive 

(33) The Home of the 
Dragon. A Tonquinese 
Idyll. By Anna Catharina. 

(34) A Bundle of Life. By John 
Oliver Hobbes. 

(35) Mimi's Marriage. By 
V. Mikoulitch. 

(36) The Rousing of Mrs. 
Potter, and Other Stories. 
By fane Nelson. 

(37) A Study in Colour. By 
Alice Spinner. 

(38) The Hon. Stanbury. By 

(39) The Shen's Pigtail, and 
Other Stories of Anglo- 
China Life. By Mr. M— . 

(40) Young Sam and Sabina. 
By Tom Cobbleigh. 

(41) The Silver Christ, and a 
Lemon Tree. By Ouida. 

(42) A Husband of No Import- 
ance. By Rita. 

(43) Lesser's Daughter. By 
Mrs. Andrew Dean. 

(44) Helen. By Oswald Valen- 

(45) Cliff Days. By Brian 

(46) Old Brown's Cottages. By 
John Smith. 

(47) Under the Chilterns. By 

(48) Every Day's News. By 
R. E. Francis. 

(49) Cause and Effect. By 
Ellinor Meirion. 

(50) A White Umbrella, and 
Other Stories. By Sarnia. 

(51) When Wheat is Green. 
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(52) Anthony Jasper. By Ben 

(53) As a Tree Falls. By L. 
Parry Truscott. 

(54) A Ne'er-Do-Weel. By 
Valentine Caryl. 

(55) Penelope Brandling. By 
Vernon Lee. 


23 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sec— continued. 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &o.-continucd. 26 

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SMITH (John). Old Brown's Cottages. See Pseudonym Library, 46. 

SNOW (Isabel). School of Art. See Pseudonym Library. No. 4. 

SPINNER (Alice). Study in Colour. See Pseudonym Library, 37. 

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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, ScQ.— continued. 28 

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The Yellow Fiend. Was it Right to Forgive? 

Through Fire to Fortune. j, Thou, and the Other 

"ALIEN." One, 

The Devil's Half-Acre. Souls of Passage. 

AOTTT-iTT/AT T,^T- jn»ATTT^T-N The Maid of Maiden Lano 

ASKEW(ALICE and MAUDE). -phe Lion's Whelp. 

The Shulamite. 


Silas Strong. Arden Mass.ter. 

The Two Standards. 

BAKER (JAMES). The Wizard's Knot. 

BARLOW (JANE). The People of Clopton. 

A Double Choree. 
By Beach and Bogland. The White-Headed Boy. 





BEALBY (J. T.). 

A Daughter of the Fen. 

By Rock and Pool. 

Edward Barry. 

Rodman, the Boat- 

Yof-ke the Adventurer. 

Ridan the Devil. 

The Ebbing of the Tide. 

Pacific Tales. 


A First Fleet Family. 

The Mutineer. 

The Wisdom of Esau. 

Blue Lilies. 
CLIFFORD (Mrs.W. K.). 

Mrs. Keith's Crime. 

An Outcast ofthe Islands. 

Alrnayer's Folly. 

Tales of Unrest. 

Love is not so Light. 

The Sacrifice. 

Kit Kennedy. 

The Stickit Minister. 

The Lilac Sunbonnet. 


The Raiders. 

The Grey Man. 

Me and Myn. 

The Lost Land. 

As Others See Us. 

Death the Showman. 

Foma GordyeefF. 

Outlaws of the Marches. 

The Perils of Josephine. 

The Mawkin of the Flow. 

The Herb-Moon. 

The Gods.Some Mortals, 
and Lord Wickenham. 

The School for Saints. 

Robert Orange. 

The Tales of John 
Oliver Hobbes. 

The Iron Gates. 

KEARY (C. F.). 

Marriage de Convenance 

Black Mary. 

The Rhymer. 


The Patten Experiment. 
Among the Syringas. 
The Mating of a Dove. 

The Making of a Saint. 

Hugh Wynne. 

Evelyn Innes. 
Sister Teresa. 


The Treasure Seekers. 

The Silver Christ. 

The Insane Root. 

A Son of Arvon. 
John Jones, Curate. 


A Jilt's Journal. 


The Minister's Guest. 

The Doctor. 

The Bourgeois. 

Ricroft of Withens. 

Shameless Wayne. 

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Through Sorrow's Gates 

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List of Volumes, 

[For full Titles see under Authors' names.'] 


Rome: From the Earliest 
Times to the End of the 
Republic. By Arthur Gil- 
man, M.A. 

(2) The Jews. By Prof. James 
K. Hosmer, 

(3) Germany. By S. Baring- 
Gould, M.A, 

(4) Carthage. By Professor 
Alfred J, Church, M.A. 

(5) Alexander's Empire. By 
John Pentland Mahaffy, 

(6) The Moors in Spain. By 
Stanley Lane-Poole. 

(7) Ancient Egypt. By Prof. 
George Rawlinson, M.A. 

(8) Hungary, By Professor 
Armmius Vambery. 

(9) The Saracens : From the 
Earliest Times to the Fall 
of Bagdad. By Arthur 
Oilman, M.A, 

(10) Ireland. By the Hon. 
Emily Lawless. 

(11) Chaldea: From the Earliest 
Times to the Rise of Assyria. 
By Zenaide A. Ragozin. 

{12) The Goths. By Henry 

(13) Assyria : From the Rise of 
the Empire to the Fall of 
Nineveh. (Continued from 
" Chaldea.") By Zenaide 
A. Ragozin. 

(14) Turkey. By Stanley Lane- 

(15) Holland. By Prof. J. E. 
Thorold Rogers. 

(16) Mediaeval France. By 
Gustave Masson, B.A. 

(17) Persia. By S, G, W. Ben- 

(18) Phoenicia. By Prof . George 
Rawlinson, M.A. 

(19) Media, Babylon and 
Persia : From the Fall of 
Nineveh to the Persian 
War, By Zenaide A. 

(20) The Hansa Towns. By 
Helen Zimmern. 

(21) Early Britain. By Prof. 
Alfred J. Church, M.A, 

(22) The Barbary Corsairs. 
By Stanley Lane-Poole. 

(23) Russia. By W, R. Morfill, 

(24) The Jews under Roman 
Rule. By W. D, Morrison. 

(25) Scotland. By John Mack- 
intosh, LL.D. 

(26) Switzerland. By Lina 
Hug and R. Stead. 

(27) Mexico. By Susan Hale. 

(28) Portugal. By H, Morse 
Stephens, M.A. 

(29) The Normans, By Sarah 
Orne Jewett. 

(30) The Byzantine Empire, 
By C. W. C. Oman, M.A. 

(31) Sicily: Phcenician, Greek, 
and Roman. By Prof. E. 
A. Freeman. 




(32) The Tuscan Republics, 
with Genoa. By Bella 

(33) Poland. By W. R. Morfill. 

(34) Parthia. By Piof. Geo. 

(35) The Australian Common- 
wealth. (New South Wales, 
Tasmania, Western Austra- 
lia, South Australia, Vic- 
toria, Queensland, New 
Zealand.) By Greville Tre- 

(36) Spain : Being a Summary 
of Spanish History from the 
Moorish Conquest to the 
Fall of Granada (711-T492 
A.D.). By Henry Edward 

(37) Japan. By David Murray, 
Ph.D., LL.D. 

(38) South Africa. By George 
McCall Theal. 

(39) Venice. By Alethea Wiel. 

(40) The Crusades : The Story 
of the Latin Kingdom of 
Jerusalem. By T. A. Archer 
and C. L. Kingsford, 

(41) Vedic India. By Zenaide 
A. Ragozin. 

(42) The West Indies and the 
Spanish Main, By James 
Rodway, F.L.S. 

(43) Bohemia: From the 
Earliest Times to the Fall 
of National Independence 
in 1620 ; with a Short Sum- 
mary of later Events. By 
C. Edmund Maurice. 

(44) The Balkans. By W. 
Miller, M.A. 

(45) Canada. By Sir John 
Bourinot, C.M.G. 

(46) British India. By R. W. 
Frazer, LL.D. 

(47) Modern France. By Andre 

(48) The Franks. By Lewis 


(49) Austria. By Sidney Whit- 

(50) Modern England before 
the Reform Bill. By 

Justin McCarthy. 

(51) China. By Prof. R. K. 

(52) Modern England under 
Queen Victoria. By Justin 

(53) Modern Spain, 1878- 
1898. By Martin A. S. 

(54) Modern Italy, 1748-1898. 
By Prof. Pietro Orsi. 

(55) Norway. By Professor 
Hjalmar H. Boyesen. 

(56) Wales. By Owen Edwards. 

(57) Mediaeval Rome, 1073- 
1535. By William Miller. 

(58) The Papal Monarchy : 
From Gregory the Great 
to Boniface VHL By 
William Barry, D.D. 

(59) Mediaeval India under 
Mohammedan Rule. By 
Stanley Lane-Poole, 

(60) Parliamentary England : 
Fromi66o-i832. By Edward 

(61) Buddhist India. By T. W. 
Rhy Davids. 

(62) Mediaeval England. By 
Mary Bateson. 

(63) The Coming of Parlia- 
ment. (England 1350-1660.) 
By L. Cecil Jane. 

(64) The Story of Greece 
(from the Earliest Times 
to A.D. 14.) By E. S. Shuck- 

(65) The Story of the Roman 
Empire (b.c. 29 to a.d. 476). 
By H. Stuart Jones. 

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POLITICS, ECONOMICS, FREE TRADE, &c.— continued. 62 

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POLITICS, ECONOMICS, FREE TRADE, &q.— continued. 64 

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Net 7s. 6d. 

///. Southern Italy and Sicily., with 
Excursions to Malta, Sardinia, Tunis, and 
Corfu. With 30 Maps and 28 Plans. 
Fifteenth edition. 1908. Net 6s, 

Italy from the Alps to Napks. With 25 

Maps and 52 Plans. Second edition. 1909. 

Net 8s. 

Norway, Sweden and Denmark 

including an Excursion to Spitebergen. 
With 37 Maps, 22 Plans, and 3 Panoramas. 
Eighth edition. 1903. Net 8s. 

Palestine and Syria, including the 
principal routes through Mesopotamia and 
Babylonia. With 20 Maps, 52 Plans, and 
a Panorama of Jerusalem. Fourth edition. 
X906. Net 12s, 

Portugal, see Spain and Portugal. 

Riviera, see Southern France. 

Russia, see Special List, 

Scotland, see Great Britain. 

Spain and Portugal with Excursions 

to Tangier and the Balearic Islands. With 

9 Maps and 57 Plans. Third edition. 1908. 

Net 168, 

Switzerland and the adjacent portions 
of Italy Savoy and TjTol. With 69 
Maps, 18 Plans, and 11 Panoramas. Twenty- 
second edition, 1907. Net 8s, 

Tyrol, see The Eastern Alps. 

The United States, with Excursions 

to Mexico, Cuba, Porto Rico and Alaska. 
With 33 Maps and 48 Plans. Fourth 
edition. 1909. Net 15s, 

Complete List — English, French, and German — free on application. 


/WlR. T. FISHER UN WIN has pleasure in announcing 
* that he has been appointed by His Majesty's Govern- 
ment sole wholesale agent for the Small Scale Ordnance 
Survey and Geological Maps of the United Kingdom. 

UTiLITY OF THE MAPSm—^or general views of the structure 
of the country, the distribution and relation of mountains, plains, 
valleys, roads, rivers, and railways, the Ordnance Maps, practically 
the result of generations of work, are unsurpassed. Being Govern- 
ment publications they are the official maps from which all others 
have to be prepared. 

LUOIDITY AND REUABiUTY.-Owing to the exceedingly 
fine draughtsmanship and engraving of Ordnance Maps, and the 
good paper they are printed upon, they will be found perfectly 
legible. They give a vast amount of information, yet they are easy 
to read and understand. They are being constantly revised and 
brought up to date, and may be regarded as of unimpeachable 


obtained folded in such a way that they will go easily into the 

r^ci i pocket, and need not be opened to their full extent for inspectioa, but 

M t'^ can be examined a section at a time, like the pages of a book. This 

greatly facilitates outdoor reference in stormy weather. 


The maps are on the scales of i, 2, 4, lo, and 15 miles to the inch. 
The one-mile. to-the-inch maps are ideal for pedestrian and cross- 
country purposes, being on a large and legible scale, with great 
wealth of topographical 'detail. The two-mile-to-the-inch maps in 
colour are the standard maps for all-round touring purposes, 
especially as road maps for motoring, cj'cling and walking. Special 
attention is directed to the new sheets of this scale on the " Layer 
system." The four miles, ten miles, and fifteen-miles-to-tbe-inch 
maps are practically indispensable to motorists and cyclists travelling 
long distances. They are also specially suitable as wall maps for 
educational purposes. 

OATALOOUEm — The complete Catalogue containing full details of 
prices, with directions for ordering ma{>s, will be sent post free to 
any address on request. 

Indian Government Publications. 

MR. T. FISHER UNWIN has been appointed Agent by 
the Secretary of State for India for the sale of these 
publications. They include a variety of works on Indian 
History and Archaeology, Architecture and Art, Botany and 
Forestry ; Grammars of the different Indian Languages — 
Dafla, Kurukh, Lepcha, Lais, &c. ; and the valuable series of 
maps of the Indian Ordnance Survey. 

Catalogues will be sent on application. 

T. FISHER UNWIN. 1, Adelphi Terrace, London. 


TAWASSIA, Giovanni. 

Saint Francis of Assisi,